
The incredible masgouf at the Al-Mahar Fish Restaurant, in Amman – the crooked photo is proof of my relevant excitement
I am often reluctant in indulging discussions over the “great contributions” immigrant and refugee populations make to their host countries. I do understand their point, after all, part of celebrating diverse societies is to acknowledge why they are better. I also understand that those advocates, the ones that highlight this aspect of the theme, they mean well. This is, however, a dangerous paradigm to further.
Because when we emphasize what a person seeking shelter can “bring” to a said country, we can also be depriving people of their basic humanity – after all, before any contribution, or “good” one might be bringing, are we not all human? People, humans, especially those fleeting, they should be welcomed on the grounds of their humanity, not anything else. This choice of rhetoric then furthers the narratives of good migrant/bad migrant, good refugee/bad refugee, dangerous standards which can work fundamentally against more humane and accessible policies on the issue.
I am also wary of such narrative because, words and slogans, they matter and can be easily co-opted. As Mariame Kaba aptly put here, keeping families together is important, but what does that mean if they are all together, but in prison?
Having said that, I will take this moment to appreciate one of the greatest contributions immigrants and refugees make to any society, which is food. Because I mean, what is not to like about food diversity? Coming from Brazil, and specifically from São Paulo, a city which prides itself about having available a wide array of cuisines, this is not only a basic a value, but really, a necessity of sorts.
I am prompted to talk about this because it has been a little over two years since I fell in love – truly, madly, deeply – with masgouf. It’s the love affair of a lifetime and even though our encounters are fleeting and too far in between, I know I shall treasure them forever.
First time I heard about masgouf was in this piece, by Jon Lee Anderson, reporting from Baghdad on the edge of the 2003 US Invasion. By then, I was a bright-eyed journalism student, and I remember taking note, a reminder for me to look for it, something virtually inaccessible at that point, as the Iraqi community in Brazil is close to non-existent.
My encounter with the dish would happen only years later, during my first time in Jordan. Me and Dina, then the greatest fixer I have ever worked with and now a friend, had had a particularly long and difficult day in Za’atari. Sweaty and famished, I was guided by her to Al-Mahar Fish restaurant, at the beginning of Wasfi Al-Tal Street, in the north-west part of Amman. Maybe it was the tiredness. Maybe the substantial hunger. But that was one of the best meals I have ever gotten in my life.
But what is masgouf, you ask? Masgouf is a Mediterranean form to prepare carp style river fish and it is considered one of Iraq’s national dishes, a classical way to prepare fish from the Tigris. It is fairly straightforward: you open the fish in half, season it and grill it in wood-fire or coal. The taste is anything but simple.
Something I was looking forward when moving to New York was to find a masgouf joint – I was certain, of all places on Earth, New York would most certainly have it. I am sad to report that until this day, I have not found such a place, despite substantial, to the point of desperate, research. One of my Manhattanite friends, born and bred, hypothesized about the political climate, ever since 2001, not being exactly receptive of Iraqi enterprises in the city. A shame, if you ask me, for the place which claims itself as one of the most accepting of all cities in the world.
So, you see, coming back to Amman, I was more than excited to eat masgouf again. Dina made me promise I would wait for her – and as you can attest from my previous post, she has been busy – so we only got to it last week. It was everything I thought it would be.
This time around, I actually did some research on the story of Al-Mahar. The place opened in 2005, founded and owned by Abu Haytham Mikha, an Iraqi refugee living in Jordan for over a decade now. His whole story is amazing, and you can read more here.
After we had finished all of the fish (image above), we took a moment to look around and observe how Iraqi families actually eat it – which often includes eating all the skin. I myself haven’t gotten to that part yet. Something to look forward to next time. Which will probably happen this week. And every week after I am in Amman. Thank you, Iraq. And thank you, Jordan.
Back in November 2015, hundreds of Sudanese refugees living in Jordan organized and set up camp in front of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) office in Amman. They were protesting what they felt were discriminatory practices against the group, from access to services provided by the agency and other international NGOs, to be addressed in resettlement programs. The movement was unprecedented in many ways when talking about self-organization by refugees in recent years in the country.
Tensions were high. Volunteers and supporters of the protesters had to go around police blocks and put themselves at risk, to deliver food, blankets, and clothes in nearby streets, as no one was allowed to approach the sit-in.
Roughly after a month since its beginning, a rumor started to circulate within the camp: the protest had worked and everyone there was going to be resettled in third countries in the coming days. That explains why the majority of the refugees got in, voluntarily, on buses rounded by the police, having the airport as the destination. It was only upon reaching the Queen Alia International that the 800-people assembled were informed they, in fact, were being deported back to Sudan.
“No one really knows how the rumor started, if it was wishful thinking or if people were tricked to believe they were being resettled, but it spread so quickly. I know a case of one family, the wife heard the rumor, packed her bags and took the kids to the camp, calling her husband on her way, while he was at work. They got in the buses and were deported, while the husband was left behind here in Amman since he did not make it in time”, tells me Dina Baslan, journalist, humanitarian worker and co-founder of Sawiyan, a grassroots organization which advocates for the Sudanese and other minority refugees in Amman. I met Dina in 2016, during my brief time reporting from Jordan. Back then, she was volunteering with the Sudanese on a personal basis.
It is worth to note that the deportation of refugees is fundamentally and grossly illegal, as per the customary international law principle of nonrefoulement, which states that no person shall be returned to a place/country where they can face the risk of persecution, torture, inhumane treatment, and punishment. That extends to those who may or may not have, at the time, their request for asylum processed. And, as this Human Rights Watch dispatch reports, the majority of Sudanese which come to Jordan are from war-torn areas of the country, such as Darfur.
The situation of minority refugees – that is, the thousands of other people of concern (POC) who come from countries other than Syria and include Iraqi, Sudanese, Yemeni and others – in Jordan has been documented widely in different reports, most recently in this one, published by the Mennonite Central Committee. The 2017 study found that “Iraqi and Other asylum-seekers constitute a vulnerable community with almost no access to assistance”, since their source of support is limited only to the UNHCR and, even there, it suffers constraints. They also are not addressed by most of the hard-fought and negotiated benefits for Syrian refugees in the Jordan Compact, such as pathways to work permits. As I mentioned briefly in my last post, the Jordan Compact in 2016 directed its efforts (and money pledges) namely only to the Syrian crisis, forsaking the basic understanding that a refugee cannot be discriminated in any grounds, let alone nationality.
This also points out to a broader a discussion to be made, in the donor end of the spectrum, since, as the same report states “most funders earmark contributions for the Syrian Situation Response to the exclusion of the Iraq Situation Response, which also includes [o]ther [refugees]”.
Facing this, out of Dina’s and her colleagues’ effort and commitment, a grassroots organization was born, to support the plight of the Sudanese and other minority refugees in Jordan. Sawiyan – a word in Arabic which means togetherness and laying the groundwork – was officially founded last year and they just got opened their office, in Jabal Weibdeh. The few times I got to hang with Dina these past weeks in Amman, she is always with her telephone at hand, answering various calls and messages, coordinating from support to Sudanese in hospitals, to skate park sessions for kids.

Dina, seen here on the center-right, taking notes, meets with Sawiyan volunteers to coordinate activities and programs. (Photo credit: Sawiyan)
While their main focus is to work as an advocacy hub for the cause, they also offer different resources, including community development programs, educational and recreational activities and often referrals for refugees to bigger organizations, who offer support services.
“Refugees of African origins face a lot of discrimination in Jordan, what makes their situation as refugees even more unbearable, especially for the youth. Their sense of identity is harmed by the rejection of the Jordanian community to them. Sawiyan tries to foster one-on-one interactions through volunteerism between Sudanese and Jordanians hoping it leads to friendships that would challenge stereotypes of ‘the other’”, says Dina. One of their newest programs will start this coming semester and it will bring together Sudanese and Jordanian women in dialogue circles, to address common issues and find solutions together, as one civil society. A great example of a locally based organization seeking grassroots solutions. I am excited to see what Sawiyan does next.
If you want to know more about the work of Dina and Sawiyan, follow their pages on Facebook and Instagram.
And if you would like to support their work, you can donate here.

The neighborhood of Hashemi Shamali, in the eastern part of Amman, is the home of thousands of refugees (photo credit: CRP)
The word refugee, more often than not, conjures automatically images of people sitting in makeshift camps, spread through thousands of tents, from Calais to Lesvos to Za’atari. The image of the camp dweller, while accurate for some, definitely does not comprise the entirety of what it means to be a refugee in 2018. Especially here in Jordan, where the majority of refugees – be them Syrian, Iraqi, Yemeni, Sudanese and etc. – live in cities, such as Irbid, Mafraq, and Amman.
The Collateral Repair Project (CRP), for example, is based in Hashemi Shamali, a low-income neighborhood which became the home of thousands of refugees in the past 15 years, given its low cost/high service access dynamic. “There is a similar closer ratio of Iraqis, Syrians, and Jordanians living here. People come to Hashemi because it is cheap and there is a concentration of NGOs that can help. That is something you are looking for when you are a refugee and is looking for a place to live, where can you easily obtain assistance”, tells me Muna*, Youth Center Coordinator at CRP. “The biggest issue faced by refugees is lack of money and they care also for how available services are. Hashemi has a hospital, NGOs, and schools. So, the children here rarely will have to take transportation to go to school”.
Refugees settled in cities (or urban refugees as the official reports refer to them) face particular challenges often overlooked on the mainstream narratives on the issue. Lack of income, as Muna pointed out, is the main one, since the majority of them is not allowed to work in Jordan. While more recently, due to advocacy and lobbying by international and local organizations, Syrians have now pathways to get permits, this is still virtually inaccessible for Iraqis, Yemenis, Sudanese and other minority refugees. “When it comes to Iraqis, they are not permitted to work. Syrians can get permits and that enables them to work. But for Iraqis, their livelihoods are limited to assistance from NGOs and money sent through relatives”, says Muna, herself a refugee from Baghdad, living in Jordan since 2014.
The relevant obstacles to work usually entail great hardship, especially since the relative cost of living in Jordan is high. Housing and money for rent are often cited as one of the biggest problems faced by this population. In a report published by CARE, 82% of the Syrian urban refugees in Jordan surveyed were found to live below the poverty line. The same report attested that minority refugees have an even lower average monthly income than Syrians – 176 JOD ($250) and 169 JOD ($238) respectively. According to moneyexpert.com and their statistics, debt is also a common trait amongst this population. This week, Daniela*, one of the participants of Hope Workshop, told me that she and her husband have taken a lot of loans, just to get by. “We just borrow money where we find it, and then pay back when we get some elsewhere”. A relevant number of them also told me they cannot afford to send their children to school.
“There are a lot of psychological issues that come from you not being able to work, not being able to sustain your family and sending your children to school. It affects a lot the self-esteem of the people. A lot of kids had to drop from school because the parents could not provide for them to go”, says Muna. CRP tries to address that through different programs, like organizing psychosocial support groups and educational activities targeting children and teens. One of the goals of Hope Workshop is also to work as a source of income for its participants.
The other aspect of the issue refers to those who then just work without a permit, in low paying, irregular jobs – which means, essentially, they are working illegally and if caught, will be arrested. Until recently, Syrians caught either for leaving a camp without permission or working irregularly were being sent to Azraq, a refugee camp known for its draconian rules. Some were even deported back to Syria. The criminalization of Syrians who have left camps without formal authorization to seek better conditions has been mitigated by the “amnesty” promoted by the government this past March, but the work restrictions remain. And, as noted by this report of Human Rights Watch, those who live in cities also have lost access to subsidized health care, what increases significantly the economic pressure on families.
As rates of resettlement in third countries continue to be low, the permanence of refugees in Jordan for a long time is more than likely – it is actually pretty much expected. This calls for the development of urgent and sustainable solutions for their inclusion in Jordan’s citizenry. The situation certainly needs to be understood in the wider context of the impacts on resources of the country, whose economic structural challenges go far beyond refugees. While the Jordan Compact seemed to be a step in a different approach, two years in, it still has not improved substantially the life of Syrian refugees in the country as it set itself to do – and it certainly has not attended to other refugees, a topic I will address in my next blog. Any policy drafted solutions need also to include and address vulnerable Jordanians, and I am happy to report most of the urban refugee directed programs I have come in contact with have started to include and target this group. This is, once again, ultimately, a political issue that should be tackled head-on by refugee advocates here and elsewhere.
*Names were changed for protection purposes
“Ween Mohamed?”
For anyone that hangs out enough in the second-floor office of the youth center at the Collateral Repair Project, this question functions pretty much as the soundtrack for the work, a mantra of sorts, repeated over and over again by a variety of passersby – beneficiaries, CRP employees, volunteer colleagues, you name it.
The usual answer is “maa barif” – “I don’t know”, because while we all know Mohamed is somewhere in the premises, he can be literally anywhere, since he pretty much does everything: maybe in one the English classrooms, one of the other offices, teaching a dance class to the kids who come for the Summer Camp program, hanging out with other interns. Too many options.
First time I met Mohamed, I was struck that such a young kid – he is 19 – would be the volunteer coordinator for the whole substantial operation that is CRP. While he was showing me around for the first time and introducing me to people, I quickly realized why he landed the job: there is something deeply charismatic about him, fluidly transitioning between Arabic and English depending on his interlocutor, smiling and cracking jokes. The second time I saw him, he had a Naomi Smalls t-shirt on. I was sold.
Originally from Baghdad, Mohamed has been living in Jordan for the past 4 years, as a refugee himself. “I came to visit my sister who lives in Amman. While I was here, visiting for 2 weeks, the whole ISIS thing happened. So my mom decided I would just stay in Jordan”. This is not the first time he fled conflict. Before that, Mohamed also had spent a couple of years in Syria, with his parents and sisters, from 2006 to 2008, when sectarian violence reached overwhelming levels in Iraq. This is something particularly preoccupying for his family, since his mother and father come from different groups in the country. They went back to Iraq once the situation settled.
“When I got here, in 2014, I had a bag of clothes, I had nothing with me basically, since I was supposed to stay only for two weeks. It was difficult to get my school papers, so I ended up missing one school year”. While waiting to go back to school, he split his time between working at his brother-in-law’s restaurant and learning Japanese. “Languages are one of the things I am very good at”. The facility with languages can be attested by the fact that Mohamed learned his fluent English from watching TV – mostly US programs – what explains both the Californian accent (which he tested to figure out) and the extensive repertoire of American pop culture references.
He managed to go back to school, but after graduating in Amman, by mid-2017, Mohamed found himself without much to do. “The main thing here, for a refugee is that you cannot work and that is really tough. If you want a decent job, a career, you cannot do that in Jordan. There are some opportunities, but they are very minimal. And people cannot get an income that is consistent”.
While he, as a very small minority of the refugees in the country, can count on some economic support sent from home, sitting idly was not something Mohamed particularly enjoys. “My mental health got really bad, throughout October to January, because I had nothing to do. I think the biggest issue with refugees here in Jordan is having nothing to do, is having their lives on pause. It’s really boring. Humans are made to do something they are passionate about. When they are not, it is really difficult to cope with that. I just sat at home, gained a lot of weight, I was depressed. So, my friend, who was volunteering here, asked me if I did not want to come and be a volunteer at CRP”. After just a few months, he found himself as volunteer coordinator, which involves organizing a relevant number of activities offered by CRP and all the people who participate in them. And also, sometimes, dancing with kids, as you can see below.
For the future, Mohamed hopes to go to university, eventually, but somewhere other than Jordan. “Anywhere really, I am not picky, but if I could choose, probably Canada”. And after that, plans get even bigger. “I really want to keep working in the humanitarian field. And I hope someday to start some sort of organization of my own”.

Protest held in the beginning of June against the family separation policy, currently being put forward by the US government (Photo credit: ACLU)
What does the “zero-tolerance” policy for people crossing the southland border in the U.S. have to do with refugee women seeking economic and psychosocial support in Hashemi Shamali, a low-income neighborhood in the eastern part of Amman?
Between words like refugee, asylum seeker, economic migrant, legal, illegal, border, control, security, much of what is fundamental – preserving human dignity – is lost. And I cannot help but feel a deep connection between the horrifying scenes and reports we have been flooded for the past month, of children being ripped off the arms of parents who dared to flee violence and lack of opportunity, and the suspended lives of the refugees living in Amman.
They are both products of an ever-growing insecurity climate for the vulnerable and an increasingly closed down world to the ones that need the most.
Evidence for this emerges pretty much everywhere. We can see it in the impacts of the Plan Frontera Sur in Mexico, commissioned still by former US president, Barack Obama, and its outsourcing of repression and violence. More blatantly, during the past year and a half, between the “Muslim Ban” and the deep cut in the numbers over refugee acceptance, the US effectively redrafted its refugee reception policy which reached never seen before lows ever since the country took resettlement as a matter of strategic importance, since World War II.
Even in my home country, Brazil, usually hailed as welcoming and open, signs of closure have started to emerge in daily discourse. In 2017, a comprehensive new immigration law, drafted by specialists and scholars and which substituted the antiquate rules on the theme that were created during the military dictatorship was hailed as one of the most comprehensive, progressive reforms on the issue in the world. However, once it reached the Executive, the document had a series of its innovations vetoed, on the grounds of national security. Even before, when facing the influx of Haitians, coming from a country wrecked to shreds by the earthquake in 2010, few, but growing, voices against their presence arose. The same occurs now, as the continuous crisis in Venezuela prompts immigrant influxes on the northern part of the country, and renewed calls for the closure of the borders occur. As if this was possible. As if this was acceptable.
In global governance fora, the ways in which both the refugee and migrant discussion is occurring, today essentially in the spaces of the Global Compacts on each theme, also prompts worry. More specifically, on the issue of how the member States show an extreme preoccupation with a “strengthened focus on addressing root causes and planning for solutions, including voluntary repatriation and resettlement, from the onset of emergencies”– meaning doing everything that can be done to prevent people from leaving their country.
I am often confronted by views that make a point in separating migration policy from refugee policy. There is a well-founded reason for that, as legal norms for both groups are based on different assumptions. But, is there a hardship ruler, a scale, a maker to determine what type of suffering and need is more acceptable than others? What separates Alan Kurdi from the wailing 6-year old Salvadorian girl, pleading for her mother and aunt? Maybe a land border instead of the Aegean Sea? Mind you, I am not advocating (at least, not at this point) for the disbandment of those categories, the migrant and the refugee, but for more critical reflection upon what is the basis in which they are set.
Because those categories are fundamentally political ones, handled and argued for depending on a particular intention. That is, who then gets to be a refugee? Who gets then to be a migrant? And who gets to be the “expat”? Ultimately, if movement is a privilege, it is less and less attainable for those whose life depends on it.
There is much work to be done.
Today, as it is World Refugee Day, Global Giving is matching donations up to $2,500 for refugee-related projects. The Advocacy Project currently holds a campaign for the Hope Workshop, which serves as a basic income source for women refugees in Amman and is where I am working this summer. Any donation is much appreciated. You can find the ongoing campaign here.
And – should you have any other funds to spare, please also consider making a donation to legal rights groups which work with immigrant children cases in the US, like the ACLU. They are needed more than ever.

The Za’atari refugee camp, in northern Jordan, seen here in 2016. The camp is home for 78,000 Syrian refugees.
Last time I was in Jordan, back in 2016, I spent most of my time and focus in Za’atari, the largest refugee camp for Syrians, in the northern part of the country. The camp was completing 4 years, and its size was winding down after it had peaked in 2013, with astounding 200,000 residents, most of them from Dara’a, the southern Syrian province, nearby the Jordanian border. By then, the residents amounted to around 78,000, give or take, living in caravans (a.k.a. containers) in the middle of the desert.
The lowering in numbers, I was explained at the time, was a combination of factors: some got resettled in other host countries, like Canada and Australia; others tried their luck in the hands of smugglers through the Turkey-Mediterranean route, and a bigger contingent left the camp and established themselves in cities around Jordan. The few families which I had contact with in Za’atari conveyed to me this sense of pause in their lives. “Temporary” was the word often used by refugees, international organizations officials, field officers. The camp is temporary. This situation is temporary. Their status is temporary. Full lives on hold. Until the war ends. Until resettlement is given. Until they can go back to work. Until they get to live again, not just survive.
As of April 2018, the last fact-sheet made available by the UNHCR on the current status of Za’atari puts the number of its residents at 78,804 – that is, the same levels of two years ago. The overall number of refugees in Jordan, in and outside camps, did not wind down either – the country is the current home for roughly 740,000 refugees, between Syrian, Iraqi, Yemeni, Sudanese, Somali refugee populations, amongst others.
The reasons behind this stability are not really difficult to assess. In 2015, when the heightened attention on refugees over the thousands of deaths in the Mediterranean, coupled with the desperation scenes seen both in what were before trendy European seaside cities and as survivors tried to make their way through Europe, produced somewhat higher levels of resettlement in some countries of the continent. However, the political climate which emerged from this, fed by economic anxiety and, many times, by blatant xenophobia and racism, could not be worse for refugees and migrants. It resulted in a more closed world than the one envisioned for the 21st century. It meant keeping “undesirable people” away at all costs. It meant depriving people of opportunity, even though the crisis was – and is – not over.
This time, in Amman, the bulk of my work will be with urban refugees, most of them Iraqi, which means their offers for resettlement are even more scarce than those available for Syrians. As of today, there are 55,500 registered Iraqi refugees residing in Jordan. The majority do not have permits to work nor to pursue higher education in public institutions, which renders them even more vulnerable and fundamentally dependent on humanitarian aid.
They rely so much on what Mirian Ticktin called the regimes of care, “which include humanitarianism, certain movements for human rights (…), a set of regulated discourses and practices grounded on this moral imperative to relieve suffering (…) [which] come together through a diverse set of actors such as NGOs, international institutions, legal regimes, corporations, the military, and states”. According to her research, it has been seen that the structures formed by the regimes of care can “ultimately work to displace possibilities for larger forms of collective change, particularly for those most disenfranchised”.
This understanding comes from the fact that the structural, fundamental issues related to the vulnerable status of those groups cannot be solved within the humanitarian realm. They need to be addressed at the political level. They involve decision making regarding the conflicts themselves and their avenues for solutions, as well as foreign policy decisions by the world powers which more frequently than not foment said conflicts. They mean, in the frontline of first response, refugee resettlement and humane immigration policy. They extend even to the field of climate change. And all of these issues are political.
While the political solutions and resolutions do not come, humanitarian aid is necessary to relieve suffering in the short term, as refugees would be in a far worse situation without it. But as the temporary quickly converts to permanent, what is the role to be played by humanitarian actors? In which ways their mere presence can be a deterrent for States to assume their responsibilities? How they interact with the political space while claiming to remain detached from it?
As an aspiring human rights and development researcher and practitioner, at this point, I have no answers. But I look forward to engage further with those questions in mind during my time in Jordan. And I hope that, while sharing, I can foster those discussions elsewhere too.
I’ve been avoiding writing this final blog because it’s the final goodbye from my fellowship and (as everyone at CRP knows) I hate goodbyes. I’ve been back in the states for a week now, so I’ve decided it’s safe for me to write this blog without bursting into tears.
Professionally, this fellowship meant more than I could have imagined. There were challenges, triumphs, ups, and downs of trying to get this embroidery program up and running. I gained program management skills, learned how to create a budget, and more. I saw what made international development such a special field. To work at CRP and specifically at the Hope Workshop was such an honor. CRP is special because the programs they offer and aid they give reflects the communities’ needs, not the needs of western people who think they know the solutions. When I went into the Hope Workshop, the women were happy to be there and excited for a chance to work on something they felt was meaningful. This made the project meaningful to me. I met amazing staff members, interns, and volunteers at CRP, some of whom I think will stay in my life for a very long time. The AP trainin
g introduced me to wonderful people in different fields, who I hope to lean on when I need career advice or professional help. This fellowship was not something I anticipated doing, but it solidified my desire to work with vulnerable and disenfranchised communities. I want to be involved in work that empowers those who are the most resilient and deserving among us. I am proud of what I helped build at the Hope Workshop, but the brunt of the work is being done by the amazing beneficiaries.
The beneficiaries I met at CRP were some of the most resilient, kind, amazing humans I had ever been lucky enough to know. The women in Hope Workshop came to be like mothers, sisters, aunts, and grandmothers to me. They nurtured me with meals, presents, and love regardless of how much they had to give. I am so lucky to know them and so honored that they trusted me to share their stories with the world. When I left, I prayed to see them all again. I can only hope that they will be happily resettled or back in their home countries, safe again. Knowing the women at the Hope Workshop so intimately only makes me more passionate about doing my part to represent them at home. We are not doing enough for refugees. Until each refugee is resettled, given the opportunity to work, and reunited with their families, I will not be satisfied. These people fled horrors that most of us are lucky enough to not be able to even fathom. They are stuck in limbo, living in a country where they have no work and few rights. Still, they smile and give and share their light with everyone they meet. We should be so lucky to accept some of these people in the U.S. These Muslim, Christian, Catholic, Sabaean women who all support each other could teach our country a few things about tolerance.
Inshallah means ‘if God is willing.’ If you were raised by Arab parents, this meant ‘no’ for your entire childhood. If you’ve lived in the Middle East, you hear this constantly. Whether it be your taxi driver saying ‘inshallah’ when you ask him to take you somewhere (scary), your response to your boss when he asks you to come in early, or a positive nudge at the end of 80% of your phrases.
Inshallah, all of the refugees I met are reunited with their families somewhere safe and with opportunity.
Inshallah, I will see them all again.
Inshallah, I will be able to show people how important opening our hearts to those who are different from us is.
Please reach out to me if you have any questions about my time in Jordan or want to talk about the refugee crisis. I would LOVE to chat. The best way to reach me is through email: reinasultan@gmail.com.
Anyone who knows me personally knows that I have no hand-eye coordination. Getting me to catch anything, play the piano, or even park a car in between the lines is a struggle. So, you can understand my apprehension when the embroidery leaders wanted me to learn new embroidery stitches with them at Tiraz. For the first two days, I resisted. I made excuse after excuse because I was certain I would be absolutely terrible. Turns out, I’m not very good… but not as bad as anticipated.
Ameera, Hiba, Ashwaq, and Huda are all Iraqi refugees who live in Amman. Some of them, like Huda, have been at CRP for a long time. Huda says CRP is like her second home; she feels protective of the space that gave her a community and hope. She raves about the English classes, the women’s empowerment programs, and the friends she’s made. For Ashwaq and Hiba, Huda and Ameera couldn’t be better resources. They are leaders in the Hope Workshop already and are loved by the entire CRP community.
These four women have come together to learn new embroidery skills and improve upon skills they already have. After an intensive training at Tiraz, they will go on to teach 20 women what they have learned. These 20 women will be given the opportunity to put their stories into art, creating a square that describes their lives as refugee women. This new AP-sponsored embroidery group includes both Iraqi and Syrian women from Christian, Sabaean, and Muslim backgrounds. They will come together like the other groups before them to find community and comfort.
After their advocacy squares are turned into a quilt, they will begin working toward the goal of selling embroidered products in Jordan and abroad.
When thinking about this embroidery workshop, I wanted to include stitches that were culturally relevant to the women. When speaking with the Tiraz employees, I discovered the Raghme stitch, the traditional Iraqi stitch, and couching.
Our first few days at Tiraz were spent on Raghme, which is a traditional stitch from southern Syria. This stitch uses negative space to create a pattern and is incredibly rare today. Most women who embroider in the Middle East today do a Palestinian cross stitch and the Raghme technique is dying out. Preserving this tradition and having a unique product on the market were priorities when deciding to work on Raghme. This stitch is hard work. The women (all of whom are super skilled at sewing, crocheting, embroidery, or all of the above) all tired themselves out working on this stitch. They enjoyed the challenge, however, and are ready to try it again on Tuesday.
All of the women were already familiar with the Iraqi stitch, which is what will be used to create the advocacy squares. The Iraqi stitch is a creative one; the artist designs what he or she will embroider and fills in the designs with color. This stitch is very versatile and can be used to tell stories or to adorn dresses, pillows, or blankets. When we began the Iraqi stitch, the women barely needed direction; they just began working. I was roped into learning this one and was initially really nervous. However, I loved seeing the examples of stunning Iraqi workmanship and hearing the women’s stories about their homeland. My Iraqi stitch didn’t look quite as good as the others’, but I found embroidery very therapeutic (similar to adult coloring books but better!). Some of the women got teary remembering their homes, but I felt that working on the Iraqi stitch gave them some comfort.
We were never intending to work on couching, but the women were intrigued by it. Couching was often used on men’s clothing in Iraq. It was a much thinner thread dipped into gold and sewn onto the clothing in ornate patterns. Layla, an Iraqi refugee herself, brought beautiful examples of this couching and the women were ravished. We decided that Wednesday will be spent learning this wonderful technique. I’m sad that I won’t be there to see the women work on couching, but I am promised photos.
Overall, I am so happy to have had the opportunity to watch these four women grow together and gain confidence to teach the rest of the group. In these few days of training they have laughed and cried and I have been honored to be a part of their little group. Embroidery is hard, but I trust these women to pass on their skills and create beautiful works of art.
In Iraq, Ashwaq had a normal life. She was studying to be a math teacher, but she didn’t graduate and got married instead. She stayed home with her two children; they are 10 and 7. Eventually, life became more difficult. Her family is Sabaean and people began harassing them, “You must read Quran. Why don’t you wear black?” They tried to force Ashwaq’s husband to join the Hashid, an anti-Daesh militia. “We were older and we understood that there were people with different religions, but our children were too young to know these differences,” she says. Ashwaq’s children didn’t see why they were being asked why they don’t dress like everyone else or if they read the Quran like everyone else. They felt upset when people accused them of not loving God. They would come home every day, “My friend said this, my friend said that.” Sabaeans are people of the book in Islam, so she felt it was even more jarring when people would say the Quran said no such thing. Ashwaq says, “They wouldn’t even drink the same water as us.”
Originally, Ashwaq’s parents came to Jordan. Once they left, she began to question what she even had in Iraq. They told her that her children would not be bothered the way they were in Iraq and that life was nicer in Amman. They felt safe. Ashwaq told her husband she had made up her mind; she would go to Jordan with or without him. But he felt that they didn’t have a community left in Iraq, so he decided to come with her. Ashwaq’s parents were resettled in Australia two or three months after she arrived in Amman. At first, she was sad that they had convinced her to come and then left, but she is happy they can relax now.
Overall, Amman is better. There is safety and security that Ashwaq and her family didn’t have in Iraq. She says she can dress how she likes and so can her children. However, her husband left his work behind in Iraq and Jordanian law doesn’t allow Iraqis to work. He tried to find work anyway, but he couldn’t.
Ashwaq and her husband applied to go to Australia to be with her parents but they were rejected. They are trying again because she doesn’t know anyone else in Canada or Europe, where the UN suggested they try. It’s not just her parents there; she has uncles and cousins in Australia also. There is a big community of Sabaeans where her parents live. “Here, we celebrate holidays at home. We don’t have family to visit, but in Australia we could go celebrate with family,” Ashwaq elaborates.
Ashwaq’s children have a hard time with school here in Amman. They started, but she was scared for them so she pulled them out. She put them in the Kids Club at CRP, but her older son doesn’t want to be with the younger kids. He says he wants to go to real school with students his own age.
She says she would be thrilled for her children if they were resettled in Australia because they did not have a real childhood. “In Australia, they could go to school and be free.”
Reflecting on… Resettlement
The fact that only 1-2% of refugees are resettled is one that haunts me when I hear every day about the hopes these people have to be safe, rejoin family, and start a new life in the west. This uneasiness with the probability that most of these people will be stuck in Jordan hit me especially hard this week when a friend of mine revealed that her family was denied entry into Australia. She is an Iraqi Christian from near Mosul and cannot go back to her home, which was ransacked by Daesh. Her aunt is in Australia and she feels that she could have a future there but instead she is stuck in Jordan, where refugees are barred from working and her chances of upward mobility are slim. She is kind, resilient, and hilarious, but the Australian resettlement case managers don’t know that. She is just a number to them. Below I am going to share the profiles of two women I recently met. Refugees are not numbers; each person I meet has unique stories, hardships, and dreams. Here are Arweej and An’aam’s:
Arweej and her family lived in Iraq until Daesh invaded their hometown. They fled and were moved from Erbil to Ankawa before they reached Jordan. Arweej says that she and her husband don’t have work, residency, or security. The money they came with has run out, which she says is common with refugees. “Life is harder in Jordan. Plus, my husband’s leg is broken. The doctor is expensive; our first visit was 50 JD. Caritas does not help enough; they only give 10% and the rest we must pay. So, in terms of money, life is harder in Jordan,” Arweej elaborates. Arweej’s husband used to work as a carpenter, which she said was strenuous work; that is how he broke his leg. After, he was a chef in Iraq but here he is not allowed to work.
They have family in Australia, so Arweej’s family applied for resettlement there. They were denied. They began the application process for resettlement in France about two weeks ago and are waiting for the scheduled interview. Arweej has no one in France, but applying to Australia again costs too much so she and her husband decided not to appeal the decision.
“As Christians in Iraq, we felt like we didn’t have a place there anymore. Anywhere we went in Iraq didn’t feel like home. Not Erbil, not Ankawa,” says Arweej. Though the state of Arweej’s town is slightly better now, she says she cannot go back, “Our house was wrecked and there is no certainty that we will be safe. We want to go somewhere where we can relax; our souls are weary.”
An’aam and her family resisted leaving their home country of Iraq for as long as they could. “Despite everything, we didn’t want to leave Iraq. We thought in any state, our homeland was better,” she says. They waited for things to get better, until eventually the threat of Daesh was too high. An’aam’s son, now 3 years old, would hear planes flying overhead and ask her if they were coming to kill them.
Her and her family arrived in Amman in August 2016, hoping for safety and security. An’aam says living in Amman feels safer, but is more expensive and her husband cannot work. He was a doctor in Iraq, but Jordan’s laws forbid Iraqi and Syrian refugees from working. On top of this, her husband is sick and “the medicine was expensive enough in Iraq, but it’s worse here.” An’aam and her family receive some aid from different humanitarian groups, but it is not enough for food, rent, and medicine.
Three years near Mosul with the threat of Daesh made her and her husband tired. They would love to go to Australia or America, where An’aam has family and she could finally feel relaxed. An’aam says the waiting has been hard, but she has hope that God will help her and refugees like her.
Peace Labs office in Tripoli
In order to maintain a presence in, and demonstrate its commitment to, northern Lebanon, Peace Labs recently opened a new office in Tripoli. The office is housed in one of the apartments owned and operated by the SHIFT Social Innovation Hub, an organization co-founded by Bilal Al Ayoubi based in Tripoli that serves as an incubator for community development, youth engagement, and social entrepreneurship.
SHIFT buildings
When Bilal finished his contract with USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI) in early 2015, he and some friends and colleagues from OTI (Omar Assaf, Hani Alrstum, and Khaled Hamid) wanted to create something sustainable before leaving the work in the city and cutting the ties and relationships they had been building with people in the city. What they decided to do was create a platform – a hub – on one of the front lines between Jabal Mohsen and Qobbe (two neighborhoods between which there had been years of tensions and recent violent conflict).
View from one of the Shift rooftops SHIFT neighborhood
The motivation was to focus on getting people together. Without a clear idea about the best way to get people from these communities in one place, working on a shared project, the team acquired and started renovating an apartment in an area called Baqqar. Although not on Syria Street (the main front line of the conflict) and therefore not as visible in the media, Qobbe shares other aspects, such as poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, etc., but with fewer NGOs active in the area.
Embroidered keychains from Basmeh wa Zeitooneh’s women’s workshop (basmeh-zeitooneh.org/our-programs/womens-workshop)

In this space, they were planning to create a cultural center to bring people on board until they developed stronger relationships with the community; however, the people were mostly interested in job opportunities, and therefore, they started to focus more on social entrepreneurship as a means to get both communities working together not only to solve social problems, but also to generate income.
Culinary training at SHIFT
SHIFT was the first, and is still the biggest, social entrepreneurship hub in the city that focuses primarily on incubating initiatives and social enterprises in order to create jobs, get people to work together, and think about the conflict and the situation in a different way. Rather than obstacles or challenges to living a meaningful and rewarding life, residents are encouraged to see their problems as potential sources of income, for example, a recycling project that started in the area, or even a local NGO or entity that addresses local problems.
Saad Al Suud Foundation uses SHIFT community kitchen as an incubator
Fresh baked bread at SHIFT’s community kitchen
Since then, SHIFT has grown and now operates nine apartments, which feature a rooftop terrace, cultural spaces that host films and book readings, a community kitchen where they incubate local initiatives related to catering and food-creation jobs, as well as rooms for NGOs and initiatives that want to work in the city but can’t invest in the start-up costs for big offices.
Children’s activities of Bassme Wa Zeitooneh… hosted at SHIFT
SHIFT has conducted training for communities affected by the conflict, or for those who lost relatives, on how to create their own business and/or benefit from small grants; offered vocational training for women; participated in a social entrepreneurship competition; and hosted two screenings for the Tripoli Film Festival. They are now working with an international NGO to identify skills and capacities of certain youth groups in order to give meaningful, useful, enjoyable, and hopefully long-term vocational training.
View from one of the SHIFT rooftops
Organizations like Shift are necessary and important for the work they do. By providing a space to incubate social enterprises (both businesses and NGOs), SHIFT makes a significant contribution to social change and the empowerment not only of the residents of the areas in which they work, but of the city more generally as well.
View from one of the SHIFT rooftops of one of the former frontlines of the conflict
For more about SHIFT, see the leaflet below, or find them on facebook:
https://www.facebook.com/shiftsocialinnovationhub/
*All photos courtesy of SHIFT

I first met Bilal on my second day interning at Peace Labs (third day in Lebanon) when I went with the director (JP) and another intern to meet him at a café in a nearby mall. He was fasting at the time (only a few days after the start of the holy month of Ramadan), and I was only a bit jetlagged, but he was, without a doubt, much more focused and coherent than I was as he passionately and articulately described possible projects and potential partnerships for Peace Labs in Tripoli.
Bilal received a baptism by fire in conflict prevention/mitigation and development in 2007, following the July 2006 war on Lebanon, and he’s been working in the field ever since. He started at the UN where he worked at the office of the United Nations Resident Coordinator Office (UNRCO) which coordinated the work of UN agencies involved in the reconstruction and recovery of the southern suburbs of Beirut, and, following the clashes in the Nahr el-Bared Palestinian camp, he then moved to the North Lebanon office of the UNRCO, which is responsible for coordinating activities within an organization that is infamously bad at coordinating. While there, he worked on the reconstruction project for the Nahr el-Bared camp which was destroyed during the fighting between the Lebanese Armed Forces (LAF) and a militant group in the camp, Fatah al-Islam (not to be confused with Fatah, the political party that governs the Palestinian National Authority in the West Bank).
Before 2007, Nahr El-Bared was considered a trading hub in the region given its proximity both to the border with Syria and to the major road in that direction. In 2007, a clash between LAF and Fatah al-Islam members in the city of Tripoli led to reprisals against LAF positions near Nahr el-Bared camp, where militants had entrenched themselves. Clashes continued for several months, with civilian residents fleeing to the nearby Beddawi Palestinian camp (approximately doubling the population of the already strained one square kilometer camp) or other nearby cities or camps. During the course of the clashes, which eventually succeeded in eliminating Fatah al-Islam from the Nahr el-Bared camp, much of that camp was destroyed.
After his work on the Nahr el-Bared Camp (NBC) project, in 2009, Bilal went to the USAID’s Office of Transition Initiatives (OTI), where he started to engage more deeply with youth and local NGOs in northern Lebanon, Tripoli in particular. Although he now lives in Beirut with his wife and young daughter, Bilal was born and raised in Tripoli, and his work there gave him the opportunity to know the city in a different way and become involved in areas that were conflict-prone and/or impoverished. Around this time, Bilal began working with JP and supporting the establishment of the entity later known as Peace Labs, about which Bilal says he is “always proud to say that [he] was one of the first believers in the work that Jean-Paul was doing, and also in the potential that an NGO like Peace Labs can actually have, not only in Lebanon, but in the MENA [Middle East and North Africa] region in general.” With their combined experiences post-2007, and then with the outbreak of the violent conflict in Tripoli between 2008 and 2014, they later decided to join forces on what they called the Roadmap to Reconciliation in Tripoli (RRT).
The RRT started as an initiative building on the work of many activists in the city (particularly during the period of the clashes) who were trying to stop the fighting. In 2012, on the invitation of the Forum for Cities in Transition (FCT), Bilal organized and coordinated a delegation of local activists and civil servants working in Tripoli to attend the FCT conference in Kirkuk, Iraq. Out of this conference came the idea of working together and establishing a more formal linkage. This led to the creation of the Coalition of Campaigns Against Violence in Tripoli, which was active during the period of the clashes, 2013 – 14, and, subsequently, to the creation of the RRT, which involved Peace Labs, Permanent Peace Movement, Fighters for Peace, Youth for Growth and Development, SHIFT, and LRC.
According to JP, one of Bilal’s greatest assets is his ability to connect people and facilitate their interacting. It’s for this reason that JP has coined the title of ‘Peace Broker’ for him. By reaching through his network to link potential collaborators, he helps create a relationship of compatible parties that can start off with a certain degree of trust in the other given that they have received the Bilal ‘stamp of approval.’
Bilal acknowledges that this is a large part of what he does, even if he wouldn’t necessarily have seen it that way before some reflection with JP and others. Because of the trust he’s been able to build in the communities as a result of honestly and tirelessly working without regard to personal interests or sectarian bias, he’s gained a level of credibility which allows him to play that role.
In this sense, the fact that Bilal comes from Tripoli also plays a role. Although those who don’t know him may have reservations about the potential for bias on the part of a local (and for this reason, non-locals such as JP at PL, Asaad Chaftari from Fighters for Peace, Fadi Abi Allam with Permanent Peace Movement, and others, were brought in for the research phase of the RRT), when it comes to the point of mobilization, the people need to work with someone they trust and who they believe is closer to understanding their problems than NGO workers from Beirut.
JP notes that Bilal played a significant role during the RRT as a connector, coordinating both between the different components of the work and among the people; that he was able to translate the different needs, interests, and mindsets of the people involved from varying backgrounds and countries. Particularly, the trust that he has been able to build with each individual helped bring people together, even those who had not, or maybe even would not have, worked together otherwise.
According to Bilal, the most rewarding part of his work is seeing people regain confidence and change the way they express anger, more specifically, watching the transformation in mentality (possible in only a short time) from initial reluctance and despair over the helplessness of their situation to empowered and coming up with their own ideas for possible solutions to their problems. His satisfaction is derived, in other words, from changing people from victims into initiators and action-takers who assume responsibility.
In his work, Bilal doesn’t see getting people together to be a challenge; rather, the greatest obstacles are the time and the resources necessary to be able to dedicate to establishing groups, committees, advocacy campaigns, and the like. He says:
“I don’t see politicians in the city as a challenge; I don’t see security in the city as a challenge. In fact, all these are targets. If anything, they should see us as a challenge, not the other way around. What we’re trying to do is to change mindsets, to change behaviors, to change relationships, status quo now between people, but all this needs time to facilitate. The more time we have and are able to dedicate, the better impact and results we can get.”
This doesn’t detract from the difficulty of the work, however. Many people in the area, regardless of age, feel a great deal of apathy and anger. Even children already have no trust in institutions, are dropping out of school, and don’t see any way that they can change their lives for the better. For any group, “the tools are different, but the approach is the same. It’s the shift in the mindset between being helpless and not being able to do anything, and getting a grip of your life and doing what you need to be doing in order to change it.” The challenge for this transformation/shift comes from how traumatized, or how deeply entrenched in the conflict and/or issues a person has become, although it’s not impossible, and Bilal meets examples of that on a daily basis.
Often, particularly in areas where there has been violent conflict, a common approach is to try to incentivize peacemaking through various kinds of incentives. Some will implement socio-economic projects, but with an ultimate goal of peacemaking and social cohesion, buried within socially-, culturally-, or economically-focused programming.
Bilal, on the other hand, argues that “the more direct you are, in some cases, the more trust people have in you.” He says that the people know funding will not come just to support them, and he therefore declares his peacebuilding, social cohesion, and/or reconciliation agenda outright, while at the same time recognizing that this may not be the first priority of the people given their primary needs for food, shelter, jobs, etc. He tells them that he will help them meet their other needs if they do it in a way that feeds into peace and development, and in his experience, he has found this method to be very effective.
What he sees lacking in Tripoli is long-term planning. According to Bilal, a lot of the people working in Tripoli work on the level of carrying out activities, implementing short-term projects. Longer projects, however, come with their own set of challenges. People tend to be skeptical about support and start to question the continued availability of resources. At the same time, according to Bilal, to get conflicting communities to come together and find a common cause to work on, “you don’t need money. You just need credibility with both sides.” Nevertheless, social change is not unidirectional, it must be bottom-up, as well as top-down. However, Bilal also notes that grassroots mobilization can be as hard as policy mobilization because of the lack of trust, especially towards policy-makers. In addition, therefore, he says, “you need ministries to step in and do their work” and take responsibility.
In the future, Bilal would like to continue working in Tripoli, including longer-term interventions, building the foundations for reconciliation. He maintains strong ties to Peace Labs, calling them “very close partners” in the RRT and the work that they’re doing in terms of understanding the real root causes of conflict in the city and trying to think of sustainable ways to get out of it.
From the perspective of Peace Labs, JP would like to continue working with Bilal because Peace Labs can benefit a lot by having an interlocutor, savvy both in the technical as well as the program/project management related aspects of the work. Peace Labs also benefits from the network and knowledge that he brings on board.
Bilal now works in freelance consulting, which means that as he does research, he often meets people, conducts interviews, etc., and when he meets someone who’s interested in doing some sort of intervention or work, he thinks about how to connect that person to a person or organization in the city to do something. In his own words, “going forward, I’m trying to build more on this role [of peace broker], in terms of connecting people who can actually come together for a meeting, and then good things happen.”
According to JP, Bilal is someone who’s “very active, friendly, and smart at the same time.” He’s very generous (something I’ve experienced as well) with his time and attention, and he’s fun to work with. He further contributes in his capacity for critical thinking and in his communication skills, being able to translate from the academic to the grassroots level, as well as being a good presenter, able to speak the language of donors and INGOS. JP also notes that working with Bilal has made him realize and appreciate the importance and need for people with the capacity and skills to network and connect people, what he calls ‘peace brokering.’ Bilal is also able to inspire others around him and lead with a ‘soft style,’ but being so well informed, people easily agree with him because he makes fair and solid arguments in favor of his ideas.
With his multiple talents, extensive personal and professional network, as well as his dedication to peace and development, Bilal’s professional journey is sure to take off. Whether he decides to go into politics, work for a larger organization, start his own consultancy, or continue as an independent consultant, he will surely continue to bring an important contribution to spreading the message of peaceful conflict transformation, and inspire others at the grassroots, academic, and policy level.
For More about Bilal, or to connect with him directly, visit his LinkedIn profile:
https://www.linkedin.com/in/bilal-al-ayoubi-07287964
When asked to directly address Americans, Nadia said, “My biggest dream in this world is to go to America, to settle down there with my husband and our kids. It is my deepest wish. I beg you.”
Nadia is from Iraq, where it seems like war has been raging on endlessly. Despite it being better before Daesh, Nadia said, “the state of Iraq is not good and it wasn’t good before either.” Nadia recounted her fears escalating when her and her husband began noticing their neighbors disappearing or leaving without a word. She fled to Amman, Jordan with her family because of the lack of security and safety in her home country.
Nadia’s husband is CRP’s beloved handyman. He helps around the office when anything is broken, but he also provides much-needed laughs by teasing the staff and interns. While her husband works and her youngest daughter participates in the Kids’ Summer Camp, Nadia comes to the Hope Workshop. Talking about the program, she immediately begins smiling. She loves it here, saying that she hopes God grants the staff and volunteers “health and vigor,” an Arabic idiom used to express great appreciation. CRP and the women of the Hope Workshop have made her feel safe and welcome.
Despite hardships, Nadia refuses to have her dreams stifled. She longs for her family to be resettled, “My children didn’t have a future in Iraq and they don’t have a future here. I want us to get out. I will ensure they have a future.”
Today is July 9th, which means I have exactly one month left in Amman. I wanted to take this time to reflect on how my expectations for this Peace Fellowship compare to the realities on the ground.
Expectation: I am going to come in and start making positive changes immediately!
Reality: Change takes time and development work is not easy. When I first arrived, I had a plan of action for implementing an Advocacy Project sponsored embroidery program for the Hope Workshop. This collective had changed significantly since the last Peace Fellow was here, which meant I had to scrap my entire plan and start over. Plus, we were beginning during Ramadan which meant CRP had abbreviated hours and less time for me to get work done. After meetings with Gwen and the rest of the Hope Workshop team, we decided on a plan of action. Leaders chosen by Gwen and me would be trained by the embroiderers at Tiraz Museum. Then, these leaders would train the women we pulled from the waitlist to join the AP embroidery group. This has taken a long time to begin, as the trainers at Tiraz have had a change in leadership and we took a week-long break for Eid.
As I return to work, I am hoping that this program begins in earnest soon. That is not to say that we haven’t made progress. On June 20th, we had an extremely successful giving campaign on GlobalGiving to benefit the Hope Workshop. Over $10,000 was raised and this money will be so beneficial for the ladies of the Hope Workshop. Rome wasn’t built in a day and a successful new program for the Hope Workshop won’t be either. It was hard at first to accept this, but I have learned that progress is progress even if it is slower than anticipated.
Expectation: I am going to be friendless in a foreign country whose culture I don’t understand.
Reality: I know I have already said this, but I am lucky to be working with such welcoming people. My coworkers have made this transition into life in Jordan much easier and I am thankful to have them around to show me the ropes. The culture in Jordan is definitely different from what I am used to, but the learning curve flattens out significantly after being here a few weeks. I now know that I should get in the back of the cab unless there is no room for me there. I also know that an Uber will most likely ask me to sit in the front to avoid police intervention. I cross the street confidently, despite speeding cars who I now know probably won’t stop for me. I know how to force a cab driver to turn on the meter, though I haven’t mastered how to get them to stop asking me invasive questions. Overall, I feel a lot more acclimated to living in Amman now.
Expectation: This is going to be a very formative experience.
Reality: This has been one of the most life-changing experiences of my life thus far. I have lived abroad before, but being here and doing this work has given me new perspective and drive to make a difference. However, I have begun to understand the intricacies of working in the field with a CBO and how change is actually realized. I truly believe that this experience will be something that informs the future career path or graduate study I choose to pursue.
Most of all, I am lucky to have met and befriended some of the refugee community in Amman. I long for everyone to have the opportunity that I have had to meet these resilient, caring people. To hear their stories and be their friend is one of the biggest honors of my life. I hope they can understand how much of an impact they’ve had on my life and will continue to have on it in the future.
In Jordan, I have met brave women who are seeking freedom. Imagine their surprise in finding the land of the free and home of the brave is turning a blind eye to their struggle. Of course, there are people in the U.S. who are empathetic to the refugee crisis, calling their senators and protesting the president. Still, these women sit waiting. We are a country proud of a statue that bears the phrase, “’Give me you
r tired, your poor, Your huddled masses yearning to breathe free,” and yet we won’t take the tired or the poor or the masses yearning to breathe free. Those masses have grown to the millions because of war and terror in the region. I don’t know millions of refugees, but I do know several.
The women whose pictures you are seeing in this blog are so spectacularly normal. The fact that we are debating whether they are a national security threat becomes more laughable to me each day I work with them. When I began interviewing each of them this week, temperatures were reaching up to 105 degrees Fahrenheit. They all huddled in one corner of the room, chitchatting near the A.C. as I spoke to them one by one. As the women they grew to call friends and sisters told their stories, they cheered them on or reminded them the camera added 10 pounds and to sit up straight (like any true friend would do). The women gathered in this room aren’t all from the same country, city, or even religion; they are still friends and supporters of one another. Yet, we argue they cannot possibly integrate into a culture like ours- one that we like to imagine is based on inclusiveness despite differences. Take a look at the American political climate and you might come to the same conclusion as I have. These women are way better at looking past their differences than we are.
My interviews, which will eventually become profiles of these women’s experiences consist of a few main questions. The last being, “If you could tell someone in America (or the west in general) one thing. What would it be?” They all want to be seen for who they are instead of as a terrifying other. Many stressed the fact that they were running away from Daesh and were not complicit in the havoc they were wreaking in the Middle East and abroad. They wanted Americans to know that living in Amman is so expensive when they are barred from working; they do want to work and contribute to society, but cannot here. Ultimately, they want safety for their children and a good night’s sleep. One woman reasoned, “If every developed country just took a few hundred or thousand families, it would change so many lives.” They are all so grateful just to be alive, but they yearn for the freedom that they’ve been hearing exists in the states. 
My family was lucky to be accepted into the United States in a time when being Arab didn’t automatically make you a threat. My paternal grandparents could raise their family safely and securely in Colorado and I was able to be born an American. I am proud to have been born in the country that accepted my father’s family when they were coming from their war-torn homeland. But now, I am ashamed that our country doesn’t resemble the one that was so full of hope or my father and his siblings. Why did they deserve refuge and safety but the Syrians and Iraqis I’ve met don’t? It was a question that was plaguing me more than usually yesterday. On the 4th of July, I was happy to be born in a country that allows me to dissent and protest without fearing for my security. I hope by Independence Day 2018, I can say I am also happy to have been born in a country that accepts those in need with open arms, that finally helps those huddled masses breathe free.
Sorry about the hiatus from blogging. I am writing from Tripoli, Lebanon on the last day of CRP’s Eid vacation. I will begin working again on Sunday, July 2nd!
I have mentioned in previous blogs and Facebook posts that both my parents are from Lebanon. My father’s immediate family left for Colorado during the civil war, while my mom and her family remained in Tripoli. The last time I was here I was 10 years old, so I hadn’t seen this house or a lot of my family in 12 years. I had forgotten my grandparents’ house, these streets, and the names of most of the family whose faces I recognized. However, something about Tripoli feels like home. Maybe it’s because everyone looks like me or because they know my last name is Lebanese. Still, the same identity crisis I have in the states plagues me here.
This is a story you know well if your parents were immigrants. You don’t feel quite as American as everyone else. Your parents have an accent (which you probably didn’t know about because you’re used to it). You don’t necessarily have passing privilege. You certainly weren’t taking peanut butter and jelly sandwiches to school for lunch. You may not have been allowed to go to sleepovers until you were years older than when your friends were allowed. The list goes on. However, you don’t totally fit in with the immigrant community either. You don’t speak the language perfectly or wear the same clothes. Your practice of the religion might be nuanced or more liberal. It is exhausting to feel stuck in between two worlds like this. I feel American because I was born and raised in the states. I love how vast and diverse our country is, how free I am, and how I can experience so many cultures in one state. However, I always say hummus runs through my veins. The Lebanese culture is so rich and I am so in love with it. My family is my backbone and they are unapologetically Lebanese in almost everything they do. So, who am I?
I am Lebanese- American. These hyphenated Americans are a new breed. Proud of our native cultures, but undeniably American. I may find it harder to fit in in America, where I am exotic. I may also stand out in Lebanon, where my broken Arabic is as evident as ever. However, I am so lucky to have two countries that feel like home. Being in the Middle East, whenever I think of home my heart hurts. I know so many people here feel like they don’t have a home. As I mull on my identity and my place in this world, many Syrians and Iraqis don’t have this luxury. Every day they are reminded of who they are and of the homes they left behind. I hope that they are accepted into their host countries so that they can forge new homes and new communities, instead of being stuck in limbo. But even more than that, I hope that their home countries become safe again so that they can feel the warmth and happiness of being welcomed back into a country they love. That is how I have felt being in Lebanon for this past week. My heart is so full and I have renewed energy to get back to work on Sunday.
How did someone who came of age at a time when his country was being torn apart by civil war, and who later majored in business and finance, become an accomplished professional peacebuilder working in places ranging from his home country of Lebanon to the Congo, Libya, and Iraq? Here are some excerpts (edited for length and clarity) from a conversation with Peace Labs founder and director, Jean-Paul Chami:
Jean-Paul Chami
Alberto: Can you walk me through the process of how you got to where you are now?
Jean-Paul: How I came to do what I do today has a lot to do with my own story. Having been exposed to the bitter Lebanese Civil War experience while very young led me to begin asking questions at an early age about life, death, conflicts, wars, why people fight, and so on. So ever since I was a kid, I started asking those very big questions, and eventually, when I wanted to do my graduate studies, I found out that there is something called the study of international relations. And later on, I came across conflict resolution studies, which I majored in. So eventually, year after year, I started realizing that my issue was with wars: why people are trying to systematically kill each other in a highly organized and very complicated way. And my mind maybe refused to understand that we have to do this because I do think that there are always ways to solve conflicts and problems. So this got me more and more addicted to understanding conflict. I realized that for me, my contribution was to start an NGO that thinks, does, and shares practices pertaining to understanding and ending conflicts. Hence, Peace Labs.
A: You’ve described yourself as a peacebuilder. Can you explain what a peacebuilder is?
JP: A peacebuilder is someone who’s mainly concerned by the fact that there’s violence; and that person wants to see this violence changed. For that change to happen, they need to have a say in it, need to do something. They need to think differently, they need to look at problems differently, and they need to impact their own selves and their communities in such a way that these problems cease to exist.
A: Why is there conflict?
JP: Conflict is a very natural phenomenon. The problem is with violent conflict. This is where we need to become better equipped and more aware of how to deal with it. Same thing for fires. There will always be fires, but we need to develop our collective understanding and technology in order to prevent fires either from happening, or whenever they happen, to control them and make sure there are limited casualties.
A: How can we work to mitigate conflict?
JP: We just need to develop this new reflex – take it to the conflict resolution gym – whereby we all exercise this, not just students and youngsters by teaching them about mediation and creating mediation spaces; not just communities, whereby we provide them with mechanisms, tools, regulations, systems, mediation, and community centers; but this must happen also at the highest political decision-making level, where the rules of the game need to be changed. And I’m talking about how international relations are being conducted, and I also think that courses and international degrees need to bring in an element of conflict transformation thinking to expose students to this kind of mentality – because if not, we’ll always resort to what we know, which is balance of power, zero-sum games, where there will always be someone who is losing. There is a need today for a more empathetic and more creative way for handling international relations. I would like to see international relations rehumanized, in the sense of having the human as the central, most important piece – not just the interests, whether economic, strategic, military, and so on, being discussed at the negotiation table.
A: Is peacebuilding more art or science?
JP: Peacebuilding is both art and science. I think it’s been an art for so many years, and maybe around fifty years ago, we started seeing peacebuilding turning into an academic discipline based on a certain element of research, which is not yet enough, but I think we’re getting there. There’s a lot that art by itself is not able to do. The same way medicine 500 years ago was based on certain hunches, random experiences, sometimes random coincidences, or based on the personality of the healer. But with time, we’ve realized that we needed to document all of these experimentations to start looking at them through a scientific lens. The same thing should apply when it comes to addressing conflict. I think I’m very much optimistic that the body of knowledge that has already been created, coupled with the current available technology, can easily lead us to a much larger body of knowledge that we can use in order to start moving towards a better understanding and higher competencies in addressing conflict.
A: What was the vision for Peace Labs?
JP: I think the creation of Peace Labs was driven by a couple of gaps that I’ve observed here in the Middle East (and probably this applies to other regions as well): the need to know more about conflicts, document, observe, and to generate knowledge and practice related to addressing them. At the same time, I’ve noticed that there are, first of all, very few organizations that are focused on conflict, and, secondly, that the level of cooperation and sharing of tools, ideas, and practitioner-related materials was very, very limited.
The other problem was the very little thinking and knowledge-production in Arabic. So we needed more contextualized case studies, approaches, tools, formulas, etc., that have been initially thought and generated based not only on the Arabic language, but also on our mentality as Arabic speakers pertaining to this Arab world. So I believe all this drove me to think that there’s a need for a place where we could experiment with people (not on people) in terms of those conflicts and to try and hopefully generate options, ideas, and some inspiration as to how we could actually work with these things we call conflicts. And also, we tended to think that having this ‘experimental lab’ nested in a country like Lebanon made a lot of sense because Lebanon has so many different examples of conflict. So the best thing to do is to use this space and the unfortunate and bitter experience of violent conflicts to our favor by trying to observe them, dissect them, learn from them, and again, share with other people. The lab would also be driven by a number of practitioners, and so it would also be a space for them to explore, exchange, learn, and benefit one another, and later on, improve their way of conducting their practice, and hopefully share whatever they have learned.
Peace Labs seems to be able to contribute to a certain level of understanding, a certain observation of conflicts, and to promote certain practices that could potentially inspire other people to use them in order to transform their conflicts.
A: What is the Peace Labs model? How do you carry out your projects?
JP: What we try to do first is spend a sufficient number of months, sometimes years, trying to connect with the communities, trying to build a rapport with them, trying to understand their mindset, and their local language. Of course, they all speak the same language, but they don’t all have the same mentality and mindset as to what are the problems, what is their role, and what they could be doing in order to mitigate certain problems. From then on, we try to work with them, identifying their natural, organic reflexes as a body of people. That is, trying to see what is it that they do naturally. And then we try to offer as much help (technical assistance, capacity building, resources, sometimes certain grants and funding, maybe a certain exposure, connections, certain networks) through which they could further develop those capacities. We call them resilience, and sometimes, immunity. The idea is to build the immunity of those communities to conflict, so that whenever there are conflicts happening, say at the national level, they are not affected negatively, and they are able to overcome some of the tensions that may arise due to those national or regional conflicts.
We try to work directly with them on the conflicts. Sometimes we do present certain concrete benefits like projects that may help alleviate certain problems or certain issues pertaining to infrastructure / lack of infrastructure, services or social services, jobs, and so on. But if that’s the case, we normally don’t do it ourselves. We’re a conflict resolution NGO, so we try to work with partners that have the mandate to address these things. And this is, I think, one of the models of Peace Labs: that we try to plug in to other projects, bigger projects, sometimes, with a livelihood or WASH or development components, whereby we run the peacebuilding / relationship- and trust-building and conflict resolution know-how and techniques for the community to actually benefit from that before they start planning and hopefully joining the producing or implementing projects.
A: What have you learned from your experience with Peace Labs?
JP: I know that I’ve been impacted by Peace Labs on a daily basis. I feel that I’m maturing because of that project that I’ve contributed to creating. I think the most relevant lesson for me would be that sometimes whatever you need to do in life may not have been invented yet; may not have an actual name or a title. The type of change that you would like to see happening may not have the necessary supporting agencies or systems or ways of thinking and so on. So sometimes we need to create our own job; we need to create a certain system, a certain pretext that can help in generating or unlocking a certain energy or a certain way of thinking that can later on generate the type of change that you would like to see happen.
Full disclosure: I’m angry. I came to work angry about the abuse of people of color and the media/global reactions to that abuse. Why is it that an attack on people who are perceived as mostly white by a brown perpetrator is immediately called terrorism? But when the roles are reversed, we don’t want to rush to conclusions about motives. When brown people are murdered, headlines say they died. They use the verb associated with losing one’s life to old age, sickness, or an accident. Why? Why is a white man who attacks innocent people an unstable lone wolf, but a brown person who attacks innocent people a reflection on all of us? Why? 
In the Men’s Support Group today, we were asked an especially relevant question: Is there justice in the world? No one said yes. Again for the people in the back? Not one person in this group said that the world was just. Do I agree? Yes. Watching police officers murder black folks and get acquitted repeatedly. That’s not justice. Latino and Hispanic folks getting harassed about their immigration status. That’s not justice. When a man rams a van into Muslims outside of a mosque and no one asks where he was radicalized. That’s not justice. When millions of people flee violence only to have their very humanity questioned by people who would rather send them back to die than accept them into their countries. That is not justice. ![]()
“If you are neutral in situations of injustice, you have chosen the side of the oppressor.” Desmond Tutu got it right. We cannot be silent. I don’t have the solution but we must raise our voices in anger and solidarity. We can make change… it’s just going to be a little harder with this administration. If reading the news every morning and night enrages you, speak up. If hearing of these injustices make your heart ache, speak up. We are all living in this world and inequality and injustice hurts us all. If you want to hear some stories to inspire you to speak up, click here.
Tonight is Laylat Al-Qader (Night of Power) in Islam. Historically, this was when the first verses of the Quran were revealed to the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). We believe that this night is full of blessings and forgiveness, so many Muslims pray for their deepest desires on this night. Tonight, I will be praying for justice. I will be praying for the beautiful people I have met here in Jordan, that they find a home and community where they feel safe and accepted. I will be praying for those we’ve lost this year to extremism of all kinds. I will be praying to have the strength to keep fighting for what is right.
You’re probably thinking, “This crazy Muslim girl is so hungry during Ramadan that she is spending her time before the sun sets obsessing about food.” You would be correct in assuming this, but I promise this blog has a point, whereas torturing myself with Tasty Japan videos did not.
Bainna khibez wa milih– bread and salt between us. In Middle Eastern culture, this phrase can symbolize the beginning of a friendship or a mutual trust formed over the sharing of a meal.
In western culture, particularly in the US, it is hard to imagine how important this type of symbolism can be. Often, our breakfasts are stuffed in our mouths on the commute, lunches skipped to continue working, and dinners for one heated up in the microwave. I say this because I am guilty of all those things. Despite my American eating habits, I cannot get this Arabic phrase out of my head. To sit down around a table with someone, knowing full well you must stay there for a whole meal does take a level of respect and understanding. As others have noted before me, it’s only natural for us to use food to heal and bring different people together.
I cannot remember a time when I felt that people with differing opinions were more publicly at odds than right now. I am a huge supporter of healthy and productive debate (see: my Facebook), but it is exhausting to constantly be on the offensive about your beliefs. This has been especially true recently. I don’t know if it’s because I am in a Muslim-majority country, am working with refugees, or am just unlucky, but I feel like I’ve been having a lot of Islam related internet quarrels lately. I am frankly tired of it; my well-thought out Facebook comments, chalk full of quotes from the Quran and citations from the Bible, aren’t convincing anyone that Muslims aren’t crazy extremists hell bent on western extinction. But, I have an idea of what might-one taste of my mom’s or grandma’s cooking (complete with some forced binge eating because you might think you’re full but you’re not until they say you are).
It is hard to argue over good food. Even heated political discussions seem more civilized and respectful when you are sharing a meal. And I’m not the only one who thinks this way. The WFP says food is literally a type of diplomacy. If you couldn’t tell, I am so on board with eating with my political and ideological rivals instead of FB comment spamming each other. I can’t wait to combine my passion for food and conflict resolution into The Sultan Center on Culinary Diplomacy, but more on that later.
But seriously, food is a common denominator in all cultures. Everybody’s gotta eat. Sharing precious meal time with others is a gift and it’s one that we should give more often. More people of differing political parties, religions, races, and nationalities should have bread and salt between them. I am not arguing that one bowl of foul and the Houthis and Yemeni government forces will end their conflict, but humanizing an enemy makes it harder to kill them. Gridlock might not be eradicated from Congress forever over a potluck, but it might make asking the other side for compromise a bit easier. Who knows? Maybe the next big break in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict will come over a big bowl of hummus. I wouldn’t be that surprised.
Now that I’ve shared my feelings on culinary diplomacy, I’ll move on to obsessing over what I’m going to cook for iftar.
As JP put it: “one of the major pillars that Peace Labs does is reflection, thinking, sharing, exchanging ideas.” Ramzi Merhej, co-founder and vice-president of Dialogue for Life and Reconciliation, now a student at Philipps University in Marburg, Germany, came to share his research on radicalization and deradicalization with a group of civil society professionals active in their field.
I was tasked with immortalizing the event for posterity and sharing it with those who weren’t able to attend. In addition to a written report, JP asked me to make a short video, which, thanks to the training I received from the Advocacy Project, I feel confident I am able to deliver.
Ramzi kicked off the discussion with a word association exercise for “terrorist,” “extremist,” and “violence.” Given the different backgrounds of those in attendance, both professional and geographical, the exercise elicited a wide variety of words and images. Describing his research, Ramzi noted that there are two levels of analysis: the terrorism industry at the micro-level and the larger structural level.
His theory of change is based on a view that addresses the specific needs of the individual. Since everybody has needs, those whose needs (emotional, socio-cultural, etc.) are not fulfilled, look for alternative ways to meet them, and when these people are then faced with opportunities to use violent means to the end of fulfilling their needs, it feeds into a positive feedback loop whereby, as individuals travel down the path of radicalization, they feel their needs are being met, and therefore continue along that path. Thus, he argues that if an individual can be shown alternative ways to meet their needs, then they are more likely to choose a non-violent path.
Ramzi’s subsequent question of whether or not the discourse surrounding radicalization should include ideology as an important aspect at the cross-section of various paths led to some active discussion. Some suggested ideology leads to terrorism, others argued it is only a tool. One participant felt that ideology helps to solidify a position, and that people may feel “on solid ground” with ideology as a reference, and that it makes sense by contributing a narrative or justification and can be used to defend a particular course of action. After some discussion, it was proposed that, for example, observance of injustice coupled with the ideology of ibn Taymiyyah potentially leads to jihadism, whereas injustice plus civil society could lead one towards advocacy.
The main strategies for tackling terrorism are: 1) zooming in past the group level, one can address ideology at the individual level; 2) target the ‘staircase to terrorism,’ viewing it as a process; or 3) seeing it as a mechanism, look for what feeds into/catalyzes the progression at the individual, group, or mass level. It was also noted that normalization of violence plays a big role, and that, as a process, radicalization can be affected at any level. Drawing on social identity theory, Ramzi outlined the following four deradicalization mechanisms:
1) Contact – humanize the Other
2) Change in conflict scenario – victory or defeat in a war; change in source of conflict
3) Conflict regulation – implementation of rules or regulations governing the conflict
4) Use of non-violence – present an alternative path for dealing with conflict
For me, personally, listening to the discussion was particularly interesting. Given the extensive collective experience of the participants working in NGOs and civil society groups, it was fascinating to hear their reflections, both serious and at times poking fun at the field itself. Moreover, coming from the West, I’ve heard comments to the effect of ‘why don’t those people sort out their own problems?’ Or even worse, insinuations that people in the Middle East either actively or tacitly approve of the violence that happens. And while not all of the attendees were Muslim, at least one was, in fact, fasting for Ramadan. I think it’s a valuable perspective to see people in the region most affected by these issues so actively engaged in discussion about them – whether or not their voices are heard in the West.
June 20th is World Refugee Day. For those who don’t know, World Refugee Day was declared on June 20, 2000 by the UN to commemorate the upcoming 50-year anniversary of the Convention relating to the Status of Refugees. This day is important because it is used to highlight the hardships of displacement as well as signal to world leaders that the global community stands with refugees. Before the 2016 World Refugee Day, the UN published a petition urging world governments to: 1. Ensure every refugee child gets an education, 2. Ensure every refugee family has somewhere safe to live. 3. Ensure every refugee can work or learn new skills to make a positive contribution to their community. My fellowship this summer focuses on that last point.
Why does it matter that refugees be able to work or learn skills? In Jordan, refugees are barred from seeking formal employment. This causes a number of problems. Refugees can become wholly dependent on aid, which is unreliable due to changes in funding or donor engagement. Refugees, desperate to support themselves and feed their families, can begin to work informally which can be exploitative and dangerous. Based on my conversations with the men in the support group at CRP, the lack of work can be extremely disempowering for those who were breadwinners and felt defined by their careers.

The women feel so proud of every high-quality product they make. This is a card featuring a masjid (mosque) on the front.
This can be the case for women as well, who feel like they have no options to put food on the table for their families. Plus, allowing refugees to work integrates them into society. They will be able to produce and contribute to the countries they are now living in, which lessens animosity and gives them purpose.
Collateral Repair Project does amazing and important work. A lot of that is aid based- they distribute fans, coats, school supplies, and more. Beyond this, they provide services like after-school clubs for children, barber training for men, and acupressure for women. Their psychosocial programming is so important because it gives the community a place where they belong, especially when most are unemployed. The Hope Workshop is an example of one of their most inspiring and successful programs and it is where I am volunteering most of my time.
The Hope Workshop is a women’s handicraft co-operative, aimed at building skills and empowering its members. Through dedicated volunteers like Gwen and Bev, the women learn marketable skills such as card-making, sewing, and crochet. They are taught to make beautiful products which are then sold in Amman and abroad.Then (the most important part in my opinion), the volunteers teach the women themselves to lead each group. This includes planning the creation of each item, taking attendance, executing the product, assigning homework, bookkeeping, and more. This makes the program sustainable and empowers the women by giving them ownership of their lives and their new skills.The women have been hugely successful selling cards, gnomes, pillows, blankets, and hats. From last summer to this summer, the Hope Workshop has grown from 12 women to nearly 50, with over 20 still on the waiting list.
The Advocacy Project is partnering with the Hope Workshop to introduce an embroidery program to their already successful handicraft co-operative. This will involve even more women in the Hope Workshop, giving them more opportunities for income generation and leadership.
By donating on June 20th, World Refugee Day, you will be able to help with the all-important startup phase of a project like this. We are trying to raise enough money to start this new program, grow the Hope Workshop to include more women, and transform it into a trusted and established brand. With your generosity and these women’s commitment and skills, the Hope Workshop will certainly be a sustainable way to empower female refugees in Jordan.
Even more exciting is that your donation will be matched IN FULL on June 20th, so please mark your calendars and inform your network. You have the chance to make a difference in the life of a woman who left everything behind to save herself and her family. Think for a moment how important that is and get involved on World Refugee Day.
“Enough with the killing. There’s been enough blood…”– A Muslim refugee from Iraq the day after the June 3rd London attacks.
For some, his response may be surprising. Some people believe that Muslims in the Middle East rejoice when hearing the news of a terrorist attack in the west. Those people may also believe that closing our borders to refugees will help protect us from terrorism. This couldn’t be further from the truth. There are a lot of parts of Islamophobia that I could talk about, but I want to focus on two: that refugees aren’t fleeing to bring terror to the west and that if you are prejudiced toward or scared of Muslims, there is something you can do.
Let’s start with the fact that Daesh (ISIL) kills more Muslims than anyone else. All examples below are from a UN report from 2014.
• On 31 August, reports received indicated that 19 Sunni were executed in Saadiya by ISIL for not pledging allegiance to them.
• On 22 July, ISIL killed a Sunni Imam in eastern Baquba because he had denounced the organization. Reports allege that on 9 September, another Imam was executed in western Mosul for failing to declare his fealty to ISIL.
• On 28 August, seven individuals, allegedly Sunni, were executed by ISIL after being condemned to death.
• ISIL directly targeted members of ISF and police or those associating with them, who did not ‘repent’ (in the case of Sunni or Shi’a) or who refused to pledge their fealty to ISIL and its self-proclaimed ‘Caliph’. In one particular serious incident referred to in UNAMI/OHCHR previous report, 1500 soldiers and security force personnel from former Camp Speicher military Base in Salah al-Din were captured and killed around 12 June.
If Muslims wanted so badly to kill so-called infidels, why would the biggest terror organization be killing so many Muslims? And why would so many Muslims rather die than pledge allegiance to them? If you think that you’re going to get me here I would like to share with you that that infamous Quran passage about killing infidels is taken wildly out of context and refers to a long series of battles between followers of Islam and Meccan tribes who kept following them to Medina to fight, not just killing random people going about their business. If that doesn’t convince you, I would like to turn your attention to Deuteronomy 17: 3-5 or Deuteronomy 13: 6-16 to show that ALL religious texts have parts that seem to go completely against the peace and love they preach throughout the rest of the text. Most of us, Christian and Muslim, understand that these parts should not be taken literally because that kind of violence is repugnant.
Ignoring the fact that Muslim refugees are risking their lives to flee Daesh, governments who use chemical weaponry, and Russian war planes, we are still left with the fact that a huge number of refugees are Christian. What’s more is that they are living in similar communities with Muslim refugees and getting along just fine. So, if your argument against letting in refugees centers on all of them being Muslim extremists there are multiple reasons why you are wrong, including but not limited to the fact that they aren’t all Muslims. They are, however, bonded by the fact that their situations were so horrific that they would risk their lives and their families’ lives to leave. They were willing to cross deserts and seas to safety and security. They weren’t doing these things to terrorize the countries that welcome them.
If after all of that, you still find yourself feeling like Muslims are just not your cup of tea, I invite you to do the following. Admit your prejudice to a Muslim and ask for help. That sounds like the antithesis of what a prejudiced person wants to/ should do, but I promise it is a good call. Here are some examples to make you feel warm and tingly inside:
This post really came after a hard week of hearing about terrorist attack after terrorist attack, Islamophobic incident after Islamophobic incident. All the while, I was getting to know refugee families with huge hearts, both Muslim and Christian. Their positivity and good humor almost make you forget that they are refugees, but they still need our help. If you want to help the women I am working with feel empowered and generate income for their families, make sure to look out for a Global Giving Campaign on June 20th, International Refugee Day. Global Giving will be matching donations 100%! This is a great opportunity to make a huge difference, so I hope you’re able to help out or know someone that can.
My desk at Peace Labs office in Beirut
Above is a picture that JP, the founder and director of Peace Labs (PL), had sent me of the desk that was waiting for me at the Peace Labs office in Beirut. And now I’m already here, sitting at it and able to see the rest of the busy room. Things move quickly here (almost as fast as JP talks): in just the first week, I’ve attended several meetings with partners, associates, and other organizations, met with JP a couple times, traveled the 180-kilometer roundtrip from Beirut to Tripoli and back in a day, and attended a talk on deradicalization.
But I guess I should start at the beginning. After an intensive week of training in various skills with The Advocacy Project in Washington DC, I arrived in Beirut on Sunday afternoon. Exiting the Rafic Hariri airport at the upper street level, I waited for one of the shared minivan taxis to pull up. I asked the driver if he was headed in the direction of the neighborhood where I was going to be staying, and he was, so I got in. Driving in Beirut is an interesting experience; I’ll leave it at that for now.
The next morning, I took an Uber after I used the free promo code from https://www.rideshare.us/ with a guy named Fouad who was from the area where the office is located and knew which building to bring me to. When I got to the office, I finally met JP.
JP looking very professional
We’d had several email exchanges and a few Skype conversations already, but it was nice to finally meet him in person. JP has an extra gear compared to most people, and the running joke in the office is how much he talks. We’re all occasionally ‘subjected’ to what he himself calls “JP monologues” and the visuals and diagrams that go along with them.
The remainder of Day 1 consisted of meeting the rest of the team and some desk review of PL internal reports.
On Tuesday morning, struggling against heavy eyelids and jet lag, I tried taking a “service” (the ubiquitous shared taxis) to the office, but the driver didn’t know the building where the office is located. After several consultations with other passengers, security guards, passers-by on the side of the road, and a gas station convenience store clerk, a group huddle around the small map on my phone determined how best to get there. After arriving at the office (a little late), I had a nice one-on-one with JP to further develop my summer work plan.
At the end of the day, we left the office to meet first with a former intern who wanted one final dose of monologues before leaving Lebanon, and then a more serious meeting with a long-time collaborator to discuss future projects and potential partnerships for a grant proposal. Leaving the office as a group, JP called an Uber to bring us to the meeting place, and, as I got in, I realized that the driver was Fouad, the guy who had taken me to the office the day before. Anna, an intern from Australia who has already been in Lebanon several months, said that Beirut is a small city where everyone knows each other, and that she had similar experiences with the ‘service’ around the city.
On Wednesday, we went for a field visit to Tripoli, a city that deserves its own post (which I’ll leave for another time). It was a long and busy day, to say the least – made somewhat longer by the fact that, although less noticeable in the busy and cosmopolitan capital of Beirut, we are in the holy month of Ramadan, which means that many people are not eating or drinking during the day. This was certainly the case in Lebanon’s second largest, and more conservative, northern city. Leaving Tripoli behind us as we drove back to Beirut after several meetings and a visit to PL’s Tripoli office, the car, which had been filled with impressively uninterrupted talk on the way up, was strangely quiet until we stopped at a gas station and JP was revived by a labneh sandwich.*
View from a gas station on the way back from Tripoli
I spent most of Thursday developing a detailed timetable/work plan for the summer and going over next week’s plan with JP. The office was uncharacteristically quiet since Anna had work outside the office, and, therefore, the back-and-forth banter with JP was missing a significant component.
On Friday morning, we hosted a small talk in English on deradicalization at the Peace Labs Beirut office: a pressing topic, and particularly interesting to hear the discussion among professionals active in civil society in the region.
If the first week is any indication of the rest of the summer, I’m in for an eventful and very rewarding experience.
* Labneh is comparable to a mix between sour cream and yogurt.
For every taxi driver that tries to take me home or marry me off to his son, there are 10 positive experiences and they all start with Ahlan Wasahlan (welcome).
When I arrived at CRP for my first day of work I was extremely nervous. I couldn’t figure out how to enter the building, I didn’t know if I would remember any Arabic, and I was scared I wouldn’t make any friends (after several iftar dinners alone). I am happy to report that there was nothing to be afraid of… though my Arabic could use a little work. The staff, interns, and volunteers at CRP are kind, funny, and committed to their beneficiaries. I am so lucky to work in an NGO that has quality people at its helm, some of whom are refugees themselves. One of the interns told me that it was unique to have an organization so committed to being part of the community that there were actual community members on the team. I think that’s one of the many things that make CRP special. The other is how welcomed I felt after just a few minutes there. Everyone made an effort to speak with me, get to know me, and make sure I knew that CRP could be a home to anyone who might happen upon it. A few iftar dinners later and my supervisor is sending me pictures of his new desk (hi Tim!). If that’s not a sign of true friendship, I don’t know what is.
My first day at Hope Workshop, the initiative with which I am specifically volunteering, the nerves were back already. How wrong was I to think that I wouldn’t be welcomed in the same way! There were probably 30-40 women in the room, all hard at work when I arrived. Each one who noticed my new (probably contorted and confused) face, greeted me with a big Ahlan Wasahlan ya habibti! I was thrilled. Not only this, but a Syrian family that I met invited me to iftar at their home. Last night, I broke my fast with them and went downtown after for dessert.
They told me I was always welcome in their home and I should consider it my house as well. Since you all didn’t get to taste the amazing food that I had, I am attaching a photo of it to make you jealous.
I have even been welcomed into the most intimate of settings. CRP hosts a men’s support group, one of the many psychosocial initiatives. I was invited by a CRP staff member to sit in on yesterday’s session. I was taken aback… would these men feel as though I was intruding on their sacred space; I am neither a man nor a refugee. It was the opposite. As I sat down, every man beamed at me and said Ahlan Wasahlan! After that, I heard the men speak about their lives with candor and emotion.
They shared with me and their peers what they were feeling about lacking agency and purpose without work, about missing their family, about the Quran. It was truly a beautiful experience. With every passing day, I am certain I will be having more beautiful experiences with these amazing people that I’ve met and all I can say is Alhamdulillah (thanks be to God).
OOOORRRROOOOUAAAHWWAAAA. Nope, that’s not a whale. Just my stomach.
There is nothing like a grumbling (see above) stomach and a parched throat to blow a normal situation wildly out of proportion. Yesterday, the late afternoon brought with it a near temper tantrum as I wrestled with a faulty portable router which failed to bring me Wi-Fi.
I know it sounds petty, but this girl was as hangry as you can get. I pouted and resigned to my bed for a nap, as any reasonable adult would. When I awoke, I felt guilty. Guilty because I was lamenting miniscule problems as if they were the end of the world- during Ramadan, no less. “Yaaybchoum,” I can almost hear my mom admonishing me. That would be a resounding “SHAME ON YOU” for all of those who have never been scolded by a Lebanese mother.
Ramadan is the ninth month of the Islamic calendar. From sunrise (suhur or fajr) to sunset (iftar) for this holy month, Muslims refrain from eating and drinking anything. We also (try to) give up vices like cursing, smoking, gossiping, etc. This is all done to be closer to God and to remind us of those who are less fortunate. How wholly insensitive to be so caught up in my own problems that I forgot the main thing I was supposed to be concentrating on. So, I was without Wi-Fi while some people were without food. I decided to make a change. In conjunction with fasting, I decided to begin listening to WFP’s podcast Hacking Hunger every night as I ate my iftar dinner (thank you to one of our trainers, Ash, for the recommendation). I want to make myself more aware of the plight of those less fortunate and give more of an effort to help them; zakat, or charitable giving, is one of the five pillars of Islam and something I plan to take very seriously this Ramadan.
Being in Amman, watching the taxis roar by, it is easy to forget that in this country there are nearly 2 million refugees.Not all of them are struggling for food and water, but the majority are. In fact, according to the World Food Programme, 85% of households either in camps or in urban centers were food insecure (2015). This is only made worse by the fact that refugees do not have the legal right to work in Jordan, giving them few options to feed their families. Some accept poor working conditions, pull children from school, or forego meals.
The WFP gives food vouchers, but limited funding means not everyone gets enough, especially when food insecurity is getting worse. The organization I will be working with, Collateral Repair Project, provides emergency food aid, but they do more than that. The Hope Workshop that I will be volunteering with teaches women skills that they can use to generate income for their families. They say if you give a man a fish, he eats for a day. If you teach a man to fish, he eats for life. Similarly, if you give a woman shawarma, she eats for the day. If you teach her to embroider and make marketable handicrafts, she and her family eat for life. If you think this type of empowerment is important, like I do, make sure to look out for our Global Giving Appeal on June 20th, when ALL donations will be matched.
The point is: we should take a minute to check ourselves before we wreck ourselves. The problems we see as tragic and unsolvable are often nothing compared to the struggles of those in much harder positions. So, next time you: curse your Wi-Fi for being so slow, whine about being hungry, or groan because your phone is plugged in too far away from where you’re sitting, I challenge you to take a second and write to your senators about accepting refugees, donate to the World Food Programme, or advocate on behalf of those in situations much worse than yours. If nothing else, remember you’ve probably got it pretty good.
Nothing prepares you for the moment you step off a plane and into a country you aren’t yet familiar with. The panic, the excitement, the *I will NOT let this taxi driver rip me off* is the same in every new country I visit. Yet, every time I am taking those overly confident steps toward my cab, these feelings catch me off guard.
Determined, I shake those feelings off and get in the cab (refusing to pay anything more than 20 JD). I relax a bit and move on to worrying about Ramadan in this desert heat when I hear, “Are you Muslim?” and I reply affirmatively and my cab driver wishes me a blessed Ramadan. First real Arabic interaction: check. I mentally note to put this in my blog (hi guys!). “Are you married?” Here we go.
This is where I will be updating you all about the funny (above), sad, enraging, and joyous experiences I have in Amman, Jordan. Arriving here, I felt all those new feelings associated with change but I also felt prepared to begin this Peace Fellowship. Last week, I spent 9-5 everyday with the other amazing fellows, being trained by experts in videography, M&E, photography, blogging, fundraising, podcasting, etc. Thanks to video training, you shouldn’t be surprised when you see my name in all the Oscar buzz for 2018.
I am now confident that I have the tools to grapple with all the changes around me. I am ready to lift up the voices of the women I’ll be working with, whether that be with videos or blogs. But will the women want their stories heard? Will they accept my help? I worry about these things, but I am eager to get started with my work at CRP. I meet with my supervisor, Tim, on Sunday and will have a clearer vision of where these 10 weeks will lead me. Until then, I’m updating all of you on the beginning of this amazing journey and making further preparations where I can.
As promised, I have great news for those who want to help. June 20th is International Refugee Day. The Advocacy Project is going to pair with Global Giving to raise funds for CRP’s Hope Workshop, with each donation being matched 100%!!!! I will have a lot more info on this coming soon, but put it on your calendars now so you don’t forget.
With that, I leave you until Friday. Make sure to keep a look out here every Wednesday and Friday to stay up to date with my fellowship!
Inshallah. Probably the singular Arabic word I hear most on a daily basis. Meaning literally, “if God wills it,” the word serves as both a filler and as a daily reminder of things that are out of our control. As frustrating as it can be when making plans to have someone respond with an “inshallah,” my understanding of this word, its meaning, and the day to day uncertainty it underscores has deepened over this past summer.
I’ve spent the last ten weeks in Amman, Jordan working as an Advocacy Project Peace Fellow at the Collateral Repair Project. My main task was to implement what, inshallah, will become an annual embroidery project in collaboration with CRP’s Hope Workshop. The Hope Workshop is one of CRP’s longest running programs, and is a collective of refugee women from different countries and backgrounds. Throughout the year, the women work together on various handicraft projects, which give them the chance to use their skills and also serve as a small income generation opportunity. The project this summer required that each member produce two embroidered squares, which will be assembled into advocacy quilts, sharing their experiences as refugees with the wider world.
Spending the summer with this incredibly talented and motivated group of women has taught me many things. How important it is for refugees to have a shared, welcoming space. How boredom and loneliness are struggles for many, and how collective projects combat these issues with a sense of common purpose. How sharing stories can bring people from different countries and cultures together. And how the feeling, the uncertainty of this word, inshallah, is the undercurrent of nearly every aspect of refugee life in Amman.
All the women of the Hope Workshop have endured common struggles as refugees. Leaving their homes. Leaving their loved ones. Starting new lives in an unfamiliar place. Struggling to honor their good memories and erase their bad ones. After hearing their respective stories, and seeing these memories stitched so vibrantly in their embroidered squares, it’s hard not to feel in awe of their determination.
When you’re living life on the edge, where everything is “inshallah,” some days are good and some days are bad. But what I’ve learned over the course of this summer at CRP is that even the smallest things can make a world of difference. The assistance people receive at CRP can quickly change a bad day into a good one.
There’s still good happening everyday, and while we might be inclined to measure this good on a grander scale because it’s what we’ve been trained to do in this world of loud and ever-changing headlines, to witness positive change we can’t lose sight of the smaller victories. The progress someone makes in an English class week to week, quiet acupressure massages exchanged between friends, laughs and smiles shared over embroidery, stories exchanged, a sense of safety and community that’s been cultivated when everything else going on around you is inshallah. It’s these small, everyday acts of continuance, of carrying on with life as usual, that must be honored. This is something we need to remember and hold on to when we feel overwhelmed by the enormity of the refugee crisis.
I walk away from this fellowship humbled by the resilience of the CRP community. Their ability to say inshallah with a smile, rather than with traces of fear. Their ability to help each other, to heal, to work together to regain a sense of normalcy and friendship in the face of incredible hardship. And their strength to believe that everything will be a little bit better tomorrow. Inshallah.
Yesterday was the final meeting of the Hope Workshop for their first advocacy quilting project! The women viewed each other’s work and shared ideas and thoughts about the experience. They agreed they would like to see the embroidery, a partnership between CRP and the Advocacy Project, become an annual endeavor. The embroidery required serious focus, and helped them concentrate their efforts on a productive project that will help them share their stories with the world.
Shatha, the coordinator of the Hope Workshop and also a Project Manager at CRP, says that in the past, the largest project the collective worked on was their annual hat sales. “It has been great for income generation and when we did the hats, the membership of the Hope Workshop grew,” she says. Crochet is a skill many women in the collective are already familiar with, she explains, and it was not time consuming or difficult for them to make the hats, which sell very well in Amman during the winter. “But,” Shatha explains, “we can’t make hats all year!”
AP’s quilting project came just in time to fill this void. The momentum and energy from the women, along with their incredible patience and skill, made the project come to life. Next, the squares will travel to America, where they will be assembled by a group of Boston-based quilters into two quilts. One quilt will be used specifically for exhibition, traveling to universities, museums, and galleries both in the U.S. and in Jordan. The second quilt will be for sale, and the money from the sale will go back to the women themselves and to the collective to help fund future Hope Workshop projects.AP’s quilting project came just in time to fill this void. The momentum and energy from the women, along with their incredible patience and skill, made the project come to life.
Next, the squares will travel to America, where they will be assembled by a group of Boston-based quilters into two quilts. One quilt will be used specifically for exhibition, traveling to universities, museums, and galleries both in the U.S. and in Jordan. The second quilt will be for sale, and the money from the sale will go back to the women themselves and to the collective to help fund future Hope Workshop projects.
“I like how this project was organized,” Shatha says. “Maybe it will take time for the quilt to sell, but the women will see the returns. I could tell they were very happy to participate, and through the project they were able to express their feelings, talk about their memories and where they are from. We’d like to continue.” Please follow the Hope Workshop blog to see pictures of the quilt squares and read the stories of the women who produced them. The stories and photographs will be published soon!
On Wednesday the ladies of the Hope Workshop met to share their headway with stitching the advocacy quilt squares. The progress from our meeting a short few days ago is incredible! Once the style of stitching was decided, the women went to work on the designs at home, and continued stitching at today’s meeting. Many of the designs include small details, including words, faces, and footprints. The skill and artistry of the Workshop members really shines through in their designs.
The designs represent memories or stories from each woman’s life, reflecting their experience as a refugee here in Amman. Each Hope Workshop member will produce two embroidered squares for the advocacy quilt project, so these are only the beginning! Check back here for more updates. Profiles of the women and the stories behind the embroidered squares are coming soon.
I sit in the backseat of the taxi van, with my camera and notepad in tow. The cracked window provides little relief from the nearly-noontime Amman heat. Today I’m accompanying Saddam, CRP Programs Director, on home assessment visits, which are as clinical as they sound. Saddam quietly reviews paperwork in the front seat as we make our way to the home of a family looking for help. I ask a few questions about the process, which he answers straightforwardly with little emotion. I am here to learn, I remind myself, but at what cost?
Our driver parks the car and as we exit, we’re greeted by a man who had clearly been waiting for us. We exchange quick hellos and he invites us into his apartment. Saddam hands me a copy of the paperwork so I can familiarize myself with it. As he chats with the man, I learn that he’s an Iraqi Christian who fled his hometown with his family after Daesh seized the area.
I observe. I am there to take photographs, which CRP uses on social media to document their work. My presence alone feels invasive. I try to take up as little space as possible, while silently trying to convey that I’m listening as respectfully as I can. I notice the family’s front door. The glass panes are plastered with magazine covers to block out the light. Interviews with American models and celebrities, bright colors and fashion spreads mock the situation, wherein we are supposed to count how much (how little) the family has to assess how we can help. Saddam checks boxes on the paper. I snap pictures of their kitchen (his wife has asked if we could help her procure an oven- she only has a kerosene stovetop).
The interview wraps quickly, and Saddam rises, shakes hands, and walks out the door. I follow, passing by the magazine covers once more, feeling intrusive and helpless. CRP adds the family to their monthly food voucher program, and Saddam assures me that we can help them get fans, carpets, and better mattresses for their home. An assessment of need, and the aid provided, a drop in the bucket.
Last week, the Hope Workshop met for a second time to get going on the advocacy quilting project. I admit that before coming here, I was skeptical about the concept, as well as my ability to carry out the project. I don’t have an artistic bone in my body, and I’ve never embroidered before. What authority did I have to implement this?
Luckily, my role in the entire endeavor is minimal. And I like it that way. As we met for a second time, I could see that some of the women were fantastic artists as they proudly displayed their sketches for me.
It’s the stories behind the sketches that give the Hope Workshop heart and soul. As I traveled around the room speaking with the women, they explained their drawings to me in great detail, some tied to memories more painful than others.
Rabab and Nasreen were the first ones to arrive at the meeting and jumped right into conversation about their designs. Rabab, from Iraq, drew a picture of her two children, walking away from a stack of books. “In Iraq, my children went to school,” she said. “Here, they do not.” Nasreen shared the story behind her picture, which depicts militiamen entering a parking lot. The parking lot, she explained, was her family’s used car business. The militiamen seized all the cars before she and her family fled to Jordan.
Jenan explained each and every detail of her drawing to the group. The design shows Iraq, pieces breaking apart, parts stitched together, trees shedding tears, rockets and bombs coming from all sides. Alongside this design, her simpler image of the person sitting in the chair, speaks volumes. “It’s me,” she relayed. “Thinking about the education and opportunity I had to leave behind when I came here.”
Manal did not have to elaborate on her image. The picture of three dark men surrounding a woman demonstrates the pain and violence that often accompanies conflict. One woman brought a picture of an angel. Her wings, she said, represented freedom. However the angel’s hands were shackled. When I asked her about this, she said it represents the freedom she feels here, safe in Jordan, but that the shackles represent the fact that she didn’t experience that same sense of freedom in Iraq.
Another woman drew a picture of herself remembering her work in Iraq. She was a judge, she explained, and missed her robes, which she had to leave behind. She included in the picture the scales of judgment with a large X across them. “There is no justice anymore in Iraq,” she explained succinctly.
Hearing the stories behind the drawings was a humbling experience. I was amazed at the creativity of the women. Many asked me if I liked their drawings, if I thought they were good, and I was unsure of how to answer. Yes, they are incredible artists, but my heart was heavy seeing their struggles and hardship depicted so starkly, pencil on paper.
We will meet again this week to continue with the next phase of the project. As the women of the Workshop are far more qualified than I with all things embroidery, the talented artists of the group will help those still perfecting their drawings with finishing touches. Other women, some of whom have years of experience with embroidery, will give the first-timers a tutorial on the stitching. I’m lucky to be surrounded by such talented women, and excited to see them lead the next session as we continue with the project, but also with our conversations and common sense of purpose.
With love from Amman,
Ally
“What They Did Yesterday Afternoon”
later that night
i held an atlas in my lap
ran my fingers across the whole world
and whispered
where does it hurt?
it answered
everywhere
everywhere
everywhere
– Warsan Shire
I’ve been struggling to write this post, as I do with most things I write on the Internet. There is a sense of permanence that comes along with blogging or posting, that my words are public and immovable, so I must get it right the first time. However, I am constantly in awe of the transient nature of headlines, the way they ebb and flow along with the world’s sympathies, and their complete impermanence as they span the news ticker and are refreshed on web pages.
I’ve been in a fog for the past few weeks, reeling from the seemingly never-ending cycle of bad news that keeps dominating headlines here in Jordan. “UN and partners warn of growing poverty for Syrian refugees,” “Humanitarian groups calling for Jordan Government to urgently unblock aid to 65,000 Syrian refugees,” “Syria and the erosion of stability in Jordan.” Good news, it seems, is in short supply.
All of these headlines humming in my brain alongside Baghdad, Dhaka, Istanbul. Alongside Orlando, Alton Sterling, Philando Castile, the Dallas police officers.
Almost as infuriating to me as the events themselves is the acceptance of this status quo and the inevitable forgetting. As one author put it, “muted global sympathy” is an insidious epidemic. But what’s the antidote?
If we simply read the headlines with the same eyes over and over, it’s easy to become exhausted and overwhelmed by both the shocking and slow violence we witness everyday. For me, travel to this part of the world has given me a new set of eyes, and has helped me read the headlines more carefully and navigate my surroundings with constant questions.
One question I’ve grappled with over the years is if I should even be here at all. A particularly insightful exploration of this dilemma is Courtney Martin’s piece, “The Reductive Seduction of Other People’s Problems,” wherein she argues that American ego and hubris to “save the world” can be reckless and harmful not just to foreign communities, but to the local communities one neglects when one opts to work overseas.
Ever since my first trip to Jordan, I’ve had to justify to various people why I want to spend time “over there.” Why not focus my career on domestic policy? Why not help “here at home” instead of overseas? Why should I give a damn when “those people” openly celebrate the deaths of Americans?
These questions are exhausting. They demonstrate just how durable the “us vs. them” mentality still is. They highlight the zero-sum game many play in their heads, which can translate into policy with devastating effects. And most heartbreakingly, they undermine our common humanity, something I’m reminded of more and more with each passing day here.
A collection of smiles gathered over the past two weeks at CRP
I spent this morning shuttling back and forth between police stations, attempting to obtain an extension for my visa. The process was so convoluted that on any other day, it might have made me angry and frustrated. However, after my third visit to my neighborhood police station, (I’m now on a first name basis with Tareq and Mohammad, infinitely patient human beings they are, dealing with complicated visa questions in my broken Arabic) I sat in a taxi with the wind and sun on my face and felt simultaneously overwhelmed and at peace.
Overwhelmed by my privilege. By the kindness and patience of those around me. By the fact that I have the opportunity to learn through trial and error, that my existence here is not threatened by violence, that my presence is met with smiles and curiosity, that my attempts at Arabic provide entertainment for others and a opportunity for me to improve and learn. As exhausting and problematic as working abroad can be, I am thankful that despite the vicious circle of violence, sadness, and apathy, moments of joy slip through when we let them.
Martin’s imperatives at the end of her piece have helped me start to make sense of the personal and professional pieces of my life here in Jordan. She warns,
“Don’t go because you’ve fallen in love with solvability. Go because you’ve fallen in love with complexity.
Don’t go because you want to do something virtuous. Go because you want to do something difficult.
Don’t go because you want to talk. Go because you want to listen.”
And so I continue, with open eyes, open ears, and an open heart.
With love from Amman,
Ally
Tomorrow at 9:00am we are heading towards Sacsamarca, Gisela said, who is the office administrator of the Equipo Peruano de Antropologia Forense (EPAF). As the sun was shining the next morning, we put our luggage in the microbus and headed towards Sacsamarca. Although I was excited to explore new regions of Peru, I did not know that the day would be so eventful.
Sacsamarca is four and half hours from Hualla, the province of Ayacucho where we spent the last four days. After two and half hours of driving, we reached the community of Carhuamayo, which is 4,500 meters above the sea level. We stopped in front of a school, and Gisela invited us to visit it. The school was very small without proper light and heating system. The walls had many posts. Some of them had the alphabet, others the Spanish grammar, and others had the numbers.
Gisela introduced us to the teacher, and to the ten students who aged between five and twelve years. Looking at them, I noticed their great needs. Talking with the professor, he said that the children need clothes, winter shoes, and proper nutrition. He also said that in three days it is going to snow, which will cause the temperature to go down, and they are not prepared for it. Additionally, the school needs a heating system to be installed. With tears in his eyes, he said, “the government forgot about us, no one is visiting us, we need help, these children need help.” After distributing the school supplies that Gisela brought, and some chocolate, we left.
On the way to Sacsamarca, the images of those children stick in my mind. Although the temperature was very low, and some of the children did not have sacks on their feet, they were eager to learn how to read and write. I committed myself to buy winter shoes and clothes and ship to them as soon as I will get back to Lima.
After forty minutes of driving, we arrived at Putaccasa where we had lunch. During the lunch, I was introduced to Hector, a local man who grows alpacas. After telling him about the income generation project that The Advocacy Project wants to do in partnership with EPAF, I asked him the possibility to have a meeting with all people in the area who grow alpacas. We agreed to have the meeting in two says at 8:00am. After saying goodbye, we continued our travel towards Sacsamarca.
We were twenty minutes away from Sacsamarca when I observed a group of people in the middle of the road. As we approached them, I noticed that about twenty-five women were holding posts with different slogans protesting against a multinational corporation that was nearby. The protesters said that nobody is allowed to pass. “We are protesting against this company, which contaminates the air that affects our lives.”
Then, I asked where were their husbands. They began to laugh and told me, “ buen chiste Gringo,” nice joke Gringo, a common name used to call white people in Latin America. I said that I did not mean that they were all widow, but I wanted to know. They told me that their men are coming soon.
Walking a short distance from the protesting site, I could see Sacsamarca located in a valley surrounded by the Andes. While I was enjoying the picturesque panorama, I observed a truck full of people coming towards the protesting site. Behind the truck I could see a big cloud of dust, and at that moment, I understood the reason these women were protesting.
After approximately fifteen minutes, the truck reached the place where the women were. About forty men, old and young, jumped down from the truck. Then, the driver parked the truck in the diagonal of the road that no car could pass. I approached the group and was told that no one is going to pass until they reach an agreement with the company. They were protesting against the pollution that the company was creating. Because it was a dusty road, the daily traffic of tracks coming to the company were creating dust which affected the lives of people in the area, and the animals which were pastoring.
We realized that the protest was not going to finish soon because people came prepared to stay many days. In fact, some of them brought pots to cook the food. After two hours of waiting, we decided to go back to Hualla. On the one hand, I was angry because we drove four hours and fifteen minutes in a dirty road, and now we were not allowed to pass. But on the other hand, these people were standing for something that was right. In fact, companies earn millions of dollars at the expense of the poor people.
On the way back, as we were reaching the altitude, the sun began to hide behind the clouds. It began to rain and then to snow. As we were driving, I heard an unusual sound at the rear part of the microbus. This is a flat tire, I thought. I did not say aloud because I did not want to crate panic. If he is a good driver, he will notice immediately because besides the noise that a flat tire makes, the engine power decreases when driving with a flat tire.
After a few minutes, the driver stopped and checked the tires. I was right! There was a flat tire. Changing a flat tire at 4,500 meters altitude in a cold weather, and a muddy road, is not a pleasant experience. Fabio, the driver, immediately took the keys and was ready to change the tire. I jumped from the car, I rolled my sleeves, and I went to help him. After thirty minutes of struggle, we changed the tire, and continued our travel to Hualla.
About at 9:00pm, we reached Hualla. Everybody was tired and ready to rest. Tomorrow we are going to use other route to reach Sacsamarca, Gisela said. The next morning we embarked again in the microbus, and we chose the route towards Huancapi, which led us to Sacsamarca without any incident.
I exit the minibus, the “servees,” and examine the nondescript street corner that is, apparently, the last stop. My friend and I know that we must use our negotiating skills to somehow wrangle a taxi to get from here to Um Qais, our intended destination. Within seconds, our fellow passengers have scattered and vanished. We find ourselves surrounded by several men, drivers, all offering competing prices. The prices sound high. My friend and I exchange a look. Perhaps trying to take public transport on a summer Friday during Ramadan was not the best laid plan.
We hem and haw, attempting to negotiate a lower price, Arabic numbers and emphatic no’s rolling off my tongue. Suddenly, we are no longer a part of the conversation, the drivers jostling to get closer together, arguing over who was here first. Shoulders tense, words become louder, and they begin pushing and shoving each other as the argument continues. I remain glued to my place on the sidewalk, dumbfounded that this is even happening at all. My friend breaks my trance. “We should walk away,” she says.
We locate a woman walking down a nearby street. She tells us a good price, and insists on talking to the drivers to help us secure it. “Mashallah,” she says, when we tell her we’re from America. “You girls are beautiful. I love Americans. Welcome.”
Days later, my emotions are still roiling over this whole event. The mixture of gratitude, (for that kind woman’s help) ire, (at the taxi drivers for the never-ending price run-around), and residual embarrassment all have me questioning my presence here in one way or another. All that hustle and bustle over my friend and I, just trying to get from point A to point B. However, I can’t help but feel like part of the problem. When I’m referred to as an “expat” instead of a “foreigner.” When taxi drivers try to squeeze an extra dinar out of me, not because they want to rip me off, but because they might need it more than I do. When I accept so much hospitality and help and there’s so little I can do in return. I absorb generosity like a sponge here. Saturated. So full of love, kindness, and delicious food that when tense moments like these happen, they contrast so starkly with everything else I know and love about Jordan. These moments make up a small minority. A few tiles of a mosaic. This is what I know, and what I hope I can convey to others.
With love from Amman,
Ally
In addition to my weekly blogs, I will publish occasional “microblogs” highlighting particular moments or experiences of my time in Amman.
The women trickle in to CRP’s meeting room, exchanging hellos and commiserating about the midday heat. It’s clear many of them are old friends, demonstrated by the kisses and warm hellos they exchange. Shatha, my fearless co-leader, and I, try to start the meeting several times over their chatter.
These women all belong to the Hope Workshop, a cooperative craft group led entirely by refugees. Members design and market handmade crafts in local bazaars throughout Amman to generate a modest income to support their families’ needs. The creativity of these women is limitless, and over they years they have produced a variety of products, including handmade washcloths, paper bead jewelry, handbags, and hats (their biggest seller). Today we met to discuss the next project they’ll tackle- embroidery squares to be assembled into advocacy quilts, depicting personal stories of their lives as refugees.
Now, I am a creature of habit. A planner. So, when first tasked with this project, I had so many questions. What thread will they use? Where will I purchase the materials? How will we agree on the designs and draft them for production? Logistical issues, as usual, dominated my thoughts. These worries were melted away by the know-how and patience of Shatha, Program Manager at CRP and coordinator of the Hope Workshop. Not 10 minutes into my first day at CRP, Shatha was pulling out yet-to-be-sold products, proudly displaying them and describing the work that went into each one. She assured me that the Hope Workshop women would be more than up to the task, and excited to get started on a summer project, despite the fact that we’re mid-Ramadan.
She couldn’t have been more right! Once Shatha helped me explain the project to them, the women were brimming with ideas for what to draw on their squares. One woman wanted to depict an extremist fighter next to a young boy crying. Another wanted to embroider a picture of her family members who were killed in Syria. A third women from Iraq wanted to juxtapose traditional Iraqi bread with guns, side by side on a table. As I write this, I’m floored by their creativity and humbled by their willingness to share their experiences through this project. Their motivation and energy is inspiring, and I’m looking forward to our next meeting, where we will review their designs and I will learn the stories behind them.
With love from Amman,
Ally
First day nerves have taken hold of my body. My shoulders are tense, I’m hyper-aware and self conscious as I climb the stairs for my first day at CRP. I try to practice some Arabic in my head, but it all goes out the window as I’m greeted by friendly staff members who quickly show me around. I start conversations with several people, small talk and introductions. Shadha stands up as I’m mid-sentence. “We have a training now,” she says. “Are you coming?”
I follow her over to the adjacent room, where everyone is sitting in bright red plastic chairs, arranged in a circle. Danya, a Mercy Corps Adviser, is here, and she explains that as part of a staff development training series at CRP, she’s going to lead us in a mediation practice. She starts off in Arabic, and I’m instantly impressed by her language skills, which slowly fade away as she starts using words that have no direct translation. Mindfulness. Mental silence. Sympathetic and parasympathetic nervous system.
Saddam jumps in, and as we close our eyes, their words dance back and forth. English and Arabic. My mind wanders, resisting the objective, as I try to match Saddam’s translations with Danya’s directions. I feel the Amman heat creep in and settle. The “gas man” breaks the silence. Tinny music playing from the delivery truck and his amplified voice intrude on the minimal meditating I’m managing. Danya continues. Saddam’s words fade away as even more time passes. I cheat and open my eyes slightly to see he has fallen asleep, the combination of the heat, fasting, and mediation overpowering him. Silence descends and I feel wind from the open window behind me play across my neck.
Clarity finds me, and my nerves dissipate. The call to prayer begins, and I feel certain that, thankfully, I’m in exactly the right place at exactly the right time.
In addition to my weekly blogs, I will publish occasional “microblogs” highlighting particular moments or experiences of my time in Amman.
Jordan is a place that has always welcomed me with open arms. Whenever I’m in Amman, I find myself knocked off my feet with hospitality. Between heaping bowls of my host mother’s food, vibrant and encouraging conversations with my taxi drivers, and the countless people I’ve encountered who have helped me wend my way through this city, I’m constantly amazed at the kindness and generosity of everyone I meet here.
It is no wonder that a place so selfless and welcoming has served as a haven for many different groups fleeing persecution throughout history. Jordan has been welcoming refugees for almost 200 years; Muslim Circassians, Armenians, and Palestinians, among others.[1] Currently, many Syrians fleeing the violence of the Syrian conflict are crossing Jordan’s northern border, where they are received at the Za’atari refugee camp. Since the opening of Za’atari in 2012, it has vastly expanded and it is considered to be Jordan’s fourth largest city. Za’atari’s growing size, as well as ongoing demonstrations over insufficient food and accommodation, make it the nexus upon which the refugee conversation in Jordan rests. With so much attention directed at Za’atari, the plight of urban refugees is considerably less visible.
The reality is that an estimated 82% of Jordan’s refugees reside in urban areas,[2] their plight often obscured by attention given to camps. This is where organizations like the Collateral Repair Project step in. Originally founded in 2006 and focused on aiding Iraqi refugees in Amman, CRP has expanded over the years and now serves Palestinians, Iraqis, Syrians, and Jordanians alike in Amman through their community center programs and emergency assistance.
Wrapping up my first week at CRP, I’m most struck by the diversity of CRP’s staff, the community they serve, and the deep connection between them. Abu Ahmed, one of CRP’s Program Directors, is from Damascus and works alongside Jordanian and Iraqi staff at CRP to serve the community. In fact, many of CRP’s beneficiaries go on to become volunteers at CRP, and the connections between the organization and the community are evident.
On my second day, during a meeting with Amanda, the Executive Director of CRP, she mentioned to me that Saddam, one of CRP’s Program Directors, had noticed a man on the street begging whom he had not seen before. Saddam engaged with the man, and ultimately visited his home to hear his story. The man and his wife had fled Iraq along with their young daughter due to sectarian threats. With no current source of income, they were behind on their rent and struggling to put food on the table. Amanda informed me that they would be adding the man and his family to CRP’s monthly food voucher program as a result of the visit. To me, this example highlights just how tapped into this community CRP is; they know the people in this neighborhood and through their programming, have really helped foster a strong sense of community through their connectedness and willingness to engage with members of the urban refugee population who might otherwise fall through the cracks.
It’s been an eye-opening first week. Even though things slow down at CRP (well, everywhere in Jordan, really) during Ramadan, staff was busy running food package and voucher distributions. This week CRP distributed 50 food packages, which will feed 112 adults and 113 children in their community. They also distributed food vouchers that went to 128 homes that will help feed an additional 285 adults and 360 children this month.
As my host mother stuffed me with platefuls of home cooked Jordanian food every night for Iftar, thoughts of the food distributions were at the forefront of my mind. Ramadan is a time to reflect, to fast and be reminded of the luxuries you might have that others do not, and to share in the joy of family. These sentiments echo through CRP’s work year round, and I’m looking forward to learning more this week about how Jordanians, Palestinians, Iraqis, and Syrians are coming together in the CRP space to keep spirits high and the community engaged and active despite the challenges faced by urban refugees here.
Please check out:
CRP’s website for more information about their programming and emergency assistance programs,
Elena Habersky’s (former Programs and Administrative Manager at CRP) excellent piece for MUFTAH which provided many insights about the urban refugee population in Amman,
And my Flickr feed to see more photos of this week’s distributions!
With love from Amman,
Ally
[1] Elena Habersky, “The Urban Refugee Experience in Jordan,” MUFTAH, January 11, 2016. [2] Elena Habersky, “The Urban Refugee Experience in Jordan.”
Hello! My name is Ally Hawkins and I’ll be serving as a Peace Fellow for the Advocacy Project this summer. I plan to use this space to reflect on the work I’ll be doing through AP with The Collateral Repair Project in Jordan. CRP is a grassroots organization bringing much-needed assistance to refugees and other victims of war and conflict living in Amman. I’ll be working closely with their Hope Workshop, a cooperative craft group led entirely by Iraqi and Syrian refugee women, to not only produce sellable handicrafts, but to create a long-term, income generation program that can be sustained by Workshop members after my departure.
On Monday, the Advocacy Project’s 2016 Peace Fellows traveled to Washington, D.C. for a week of training prior to the start of our various fellowship assignments. We’ve received training on managing social media for non-profits, podcasting, videography, and photography. We’ve discussed the challenges and rewards of working with community-based organizations. We’ve developed work plans for our individual fellowships and discussed ways we can best serve our host organizations. It’s been a week full of helpful information, practical skill-building, and lots of reflection.
However, on my meandering, sunny walks to and from our meetings each day, my mind settles and centers on what I’ve learned this week from the other fellows. Sharing stories, exchanging ideas, and benefiting from each other’s expertise has been a true highlight of this weeks’ training for me. Having dedicated time to contemplate the work I will do this summer, how best to approach and build relationships with members of CRP, and setting clear goals has been incredibly valuable. Not often do we slow down and critically examine our intentions and objectives before diving right into work. As someone who is used to just hitting the ground running, I’m thankful that I’ve had the opportunity to take pause and thoughtfully prepare for what I’m sure will be a challenging summer of learning and listening.
On a more personal note, my connection to CRP dates all the way back to 2010. During a semester studying Arabic abroad at the University of Jordan, a dear friend and classmate of mine introduced me to CRP. It was my first true exposure to non-profit work, and the experience sparked my interest in refugee issues, women’s economic self-sufficiency, and international education. Having the opportunity to volunteer with CRP again is a true piece of good fortune, and an opportunity to learn more from the community members that they serve.
Jordan is the first place I ever traveled outside of the United States and holds a special place in my heart. It’s a place that has taught me the meaning of hospitality, demonstrated the true tolerance and resilience of Jordanians, Palestinians, Iraqis, and Syrians, and challenged me to listen and learn from the experiences of those around me. I’m excited to travel back again and continue to develop my relationship with such a special place, collaborate with an amazing group of people at CRP, and inshallah, enjoy some delicious mansaf and lemon mint juice!
co-written by: Ahmad Jaradat
An Israeli SWAT team killed two
Palestinians in a village near the West Bank city of Jenin on Tuesday. Israel
claims the two were members of the Islamic Jihad, butWest Bank sources and
local residents have said the men belonged tothe Al-Aksa Martyr Brigades. This
killing was part of an ongoing Israeli operation to arrest and assassinate
members of Islamic Jihad and Hamas, which has intensified this week. One of the
conditions of the ceasefire agreement negotiated between Israeli and
Palestinian officials in February was that Israel stops its offensive attacks
against members of resistance groups. Islamic Jihad and Hamas have returned to
violent resistance in recent weeks in what they say is a response to Israeli
violations of that agreement. Israeli officials contend that inaction by the
Palestinian Authority to rein in the groups leave them with no choice but to
crackdown on the Palestinian militant groups themselves.
Despite great efforts by an Egyptian
delegation to reconcile tensions between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas,
the two returned to fighting Monday night in northern Gaza. The PA warned Hamas
and Islamic Jihad that it will retaliate against any action that would hamper
Israel’s plans to withdraw from Gaza, including suicide attacks and Kassam
rockets. Monday night’s fighting began when Hamas gunmen returned from firing
anti-tank missiles at Israeli forces stationed outside Gaza and Palestinian
security forces came to arrest them. Tensions have always existed between Hamas
and the PA, but hostilities between them turned into violence last Thursday.
The fighting resulted in the deaths of two Palestinian bystanders and the
wounding of dozens of both Hamas gunmen and PA security forces.
Beginning last Thursday, Israeli
troops enacted closures at Gaza checkpoints, preventing many Palestinians from
returning to their homes in Gaza or moving about their daily activities for
hours. A 14-year-old Palestinian boy was killed by Israeli fire on Monday at
the Gush Katif checkpoint in Gaza while he was trying to cross the checkpoint by
foot. An Israeli army spokesperson insisted that Israeli soldiers fired
‘warning shots’ when cars and people began to move through the checkpoint.
The curfew in Tulkarm was lifted today, although Israeli
officials have stated that the city will remain a closed military area. The
return of the city to the hands of the Palestinian security forces remains
unlikely.
co-written by: Ahmad Jaradat<\/b><\/p>
An Israeli SWAT team killed two\nPalestinians in a village near the West Bank city of Jenin on Tuesday. Israel\nclaims the two were members of the Islamic Jihad, butWest Bank sources and\nlocal residents have said the men belonged tothe Al-Aksa Martyr Brigades. This\nkilling was part of an ongoing Israeli operation to arrest and assassinate\nmembers of Islamic Jihad and Hamas, which has intensified this week. One of the\nconditions of the ceasefire agreement negotiated between Israeli and\nPalestinian officials in February was that Israel stops its offensive attacks\nagainst members of resistance groups. Islamic Jihad and Hamas have returned to\nviolent resistance in recent weeks in what they say is a response to Israeli\nviolations of that agreement. Israeli officials contend that inaction by the\nPalestinian Authority to rein in the groups leave them with no choice but to\ncrackdown on the Palestinian militant groups themselves.<\/p>
Despite great efforts by an Egyptian\ndelegation to reconcile tensions between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas,\nthe two returned to fighting Monday night in northern Gaza. The PA warned Hamas\nand Islamic Jihad that it will retaliate against any action that would hamper\nIsrael\u2019s plans to withdraw from Gaza, including suicide attacks and Kassam\nrockets. Monday night\u2019s fighting began when Hamas gunmen returned from firing\nanti-tank missiles at Israeli forces stationed outside Gaza and Palestinian\nsecurity forces came to arrest them. Tensions have always existed between Hamas\nand the PA, but hostilities between them turned into violence last Thursday.\nThe fighting resulted in the deaths of two Palestinian bystanders and the\nwounding of dozens of both Hamas gunmen and PA security forces.<\/p>
Beginning last Thursday, Israeli\ntroops enacted closures at Gaza checkpoints, preventing many Palestinians from\nreturning to their homes in Gaza or moving about their daily activities for\nhours. A 14-year-old Palestinian boy was killed by Israeli fire on Monday at\nthe Gush Katif checkpoint in Gaza while he was trying to cross the checkpoint by\nfoot. An Israeli army spokesperson insisted that Israeli soldiers fired\n\u2018warning shots\u2019 when cars and people began to move through the checkpoint.<\/p>
\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n<\/p>
The curfew in Tulkarm was lifted today, although Israeli\nofficials have stated that the city will remain a closed military area. The\nreturn of the city to the hands of the Palestinian security forces remains\nunlikely.<\/p>\n”,”class”:””}]}[/content-builder]
As I prepared to leave Palestine just over a week ago, I said goodbye to the people I had gotten to know over the past few months. I made my journey home with these final goodbyes on my mind, sad to be leaving, but looking forward to returning home.
For me, there is no greater feeling that the comfort of returning home after a long time away. No matter how much I fall in love with every new place I visit, I’m always happy to be back with my family and friends in a familiar environment.As much as I love that feeling, I know that for millions of Palestinians, that feeling may never come. Palestinian displaced in 1948, refugees displaced by subsequent wars, and their descendants have no right to return to their homes.
Jews have had the right to return to the state of Israel since 1950. The Law of Return applies to most people with Jewish ancestry as well as most converts to Judaism. However, as the state of Israel continues to encourage and actively seek out Jewish immigrants to Israel, Palestinians are denied the right to return to their land. The Israeli government has a history of staging large-scale operations to bring Jews back to Israel. Operation On the Wings of Eagles (nicknamed “Operation Magic Carpet”) brought nearly 50,000 Yemeni Jews to the newly created state in 1949 and 1950. Two similar operations were organized to bring Ethiopian Jews to Israel in 1984 (Operation Moses) and 1991 (Operation Solomon). Non-governmental organizations such as the Jewish National Fund actively seek out “lost” groups of Jews from around the world in places such as India. These policies have brought millions to settle in Israel, often on land beyond the Green Line taken from Palestinian territory in the West Bank.
Some see the implementation of Palestinian right of return as fundamental to reigniting the peace process and resolving the conflict. The right of return and right to self-determination are largely agreed to be the foundational issues of the 67-year struggle of the Palestinians. For refugees in surrounding Arab states or Palestinians in the diaspora, the right of return is the promise of coming home. It is also something they are not willing to give up.
A key is used as a symbol of Palestinian right of return. The key is a symbol of mementos taken by those who were forced to leave their homes, especially the generation of al-Nakba, many of whom left with nothing but the keys to their home, hoping they would be able to return in a matter of days. Paintings and statues of the Key of Return can be found all over Palestine, most famously at the entrance to Aida Refugee Camp in Bethlehem. The key is often inscribed with the Arabic حتما سنعود “we will return” or عائدون“returning.”
These phrases are messages of resistance and hope – resistance to the occupation of Palestinian homes and land and hope for the ability to one day have a home once again.
One of the funniest and most memorable moments of my summer in Palestine happened a few weeks ago. I stood in front of a room full of kids and introduced myself with my American accent and mix of standard and colloquial Arabic.
Marhaba, isme Katie. Ana min Amrika. Hatha seif, bshtarghrul ma’a beit sadaqa philisteeny. Tasharufna bikom.
Translation: Hello, my name is Katie; I’m from America. This summer, I am working with the Palestinian House of Friendship. It’s nice to meet all of you.
The smallest girl in the room was so surprised to hear me speak Arabic and evidently found my accent hilarious. She couldn’t stop laughing. I bent down and asked her “shoe ismik?” (what’s your name?) to which she replied “Katie!” and laughed even harder.

This is the little girl who thought my name and attempts at Arabic were so funny holding one of her drawings that she did at the camp.
My feebly attempts at Arabic aside, I had a wonderful few days visiting the kids at PHF’s most recent Smiling Faces Summer Camp. This is PHF’s oldest program, and since 1995, it has reached over 6,000 children in the Nablus area.
The camps are designed to provide kids with a space for recreation and to encourage creative expression through crafts, music, and dance. The kids also learn traditional Palestinian dance (dabkeh) and songs. This particular camp took place n the village of Asira al-Shamaliya, just outside of Nablus. Throughout the two weeks, over 100 kids attended the camp, ranging from ages 6-18.

These are some of the kids from the last Smilng Faces Summer Camp in Asira with PHF Director Mohammed and me.
This camp, as well as PHF’s other camps, also caters specifically to many children and youth with disabilities. These kids are given transportation to and from the camp each day and provide with specialized support as needed. All of the children are provided with lunch everyday.
The community often plans other activities to take place alongside the camp. One day that I visited, there was a man from the Palestinian Union for the Deaf leading a workshop for women with impaired hearing and vision.
The camp culminates in a closing ceremony, open to family and friends. At this ceremony, the kids get to show off the crafts they made throughout the camp and some of the dances they learned. I had so much fun meeting these kids, seeing them progress over the two weeks, and seeing the final products at the closing ceremony.

One of the performances at the closing ceremony for the camp; these kids looked like they had a lot of fun!
PHF’s overall mission is simple: to empower youth. The Smiling Faces Summer Camps empower youth through creative expression, and provide them a space to counter the war-like environment in which they grow up. It’s a small affirmation of their right to childhood and an investment in them as future leaders of the community. I remember my time at summer camp when I was a child very fondly, and I can only imagine that these kids have similar memories of this program.
Apartheid Wall – Security Fence – Separation Barrier
All of these terms used to describe the structure that separates the West Bank from Israel. Palestinians tend to use terms like apartheid wall. The Israelis call it a security fence, there for their protection. The UN has coined a more neutral term, “separation barrier.” For certain sections of the barrier, all three of these terms could appear most accurate.
The most common misconception about the wall is that it exists to separate Palestine (the West Bank) from Israel – to create a border of sorts. In reality, the wall isolates areas of the West Bank such as the Jordan Valley or the city of Qalqilya in “military zones,” completely cut off from surrounding territory.
I briefly saw the wall when I first crossed into the West Bank at Qalandia Checkpoint outside of Ramallah, but Nablus is removed from its construction. There is no place in the city from which you can see the wall. Traveling to a place like Bethlehem, where the wall went up 3 meters outside of people’s homes over the course of one day, I had quite a different experience.

A section of the wall along the border of Bethlehem. Here the wall is 8 meters (roughly 26 feet) high and has many military towers along it. Many families describe how the wall went up outside their homes in a matter of a day, with absolutely no warning.
There are three important lessons I have learned about the wall:
Lesson Number One: The barrier does not create a border.
Lesson Number Two: The barrier has not always been here
Lesson Number Three: The barrier is not simply a wall
The issues created by this wall are far to complex to truly explain in a simple blog post. But these three lessons dispel some of the greatest myths about the wall, chief among them that this marks a border. The wall not only separates Palestinians from Israelis, but also and more frequently separates Palestinians from one another.
The wall does not mark a border. It is a tool of the occupation used to isolate Palestinian communities and claim more territory in the West Bank. It is the largest barrier of its kind in history, far longer than the Berlin Wall, one of the most common comparisons.
Eleven years ago, the barrier was declared illegal under international law before the International Court of Justice. Yet despite this ruling and condemnation from the UN, construction continues. The wall continues to demonstrate Israel’s impunity in front of the international community and creates a very literal and physical barrier to the possibility of eventual peace.

The larger sections of the wall (predominantly on the Palestinian side) are covered in murals and graffiti. Some of the most famous murals (although not this one) were painted by the British artist Banksy.

Commissioned work by famous artists, local messages of resistance, and international messages of solidarity all cover the wall.

An image of Leila Khaled, a Palestinian women active in the resistance to the occupation, famous for her role in plane hijackings in 1969 and 1970.
When I was dropped off in Nablus nearly two months ago, I had no idea what to expect. I had talked with foreigners who had worked in Palestine, but only in Ramallah or Bethlehem.
I got out of the taxi with no idea where I was, waiting for Mohammed to come and pick me up. I was anxious but excited to start my summer working here.
Now I smile when I return to Nablus from a weekend in another city or walk past the spot where I was first dropped off. I smile because I now know that place as al-dawr (the city center) and because coming back here feels a little bit like coming home.
Nablus is in the northern West Bank, and is the third largest city in Palestine, after Gaza City and Hebron. It’s also the fourth oldest city in the world, preceded by the Romans city of Flavia Neapolis and biblical city of Shechem at the same location.It’s a beautiful city, situated between two mountains, Mount Ebal to the north and Mount Gerizim to the south. Despite the heat and hills, one of my favorite things to do is walk around and discover new views of the city, nestled in this narrow valley.
The famous Arab explorer Ibn Battuta nicknamed the city “Little Damascus” in the tenth century. The part of the city he would have visited is now known as the Old City—a labyrinth of cobbled streets, vaulted pathways, and a busy souq (market). Today, Little Damascus is known for its knafeh, olive oil soap, and traditional Turkish baths.

This isn’t actually knafeh, but I am outside of what I hear is the best knafeh in Nablus, which means it’s the best in the world!
The Old City is certainly something to see. At first, I tended not to wander too far on my own after one very long, hot, and confusing afternoon spent hopelessly lost in its alleys. I’ve since learned that as long as you’re going downhill you’ll find your way out eventually (and most likely you can get a young child to show you the way out with a few laughs along the way). And really, isn’t getting lost half the fun?
Just east of the city are two sites so closely together, the stark juxtaposition always strikes me. Along one side of the road is Jacob’s Well – a present-day Greek Orthodox Church and significant biblical site. On the other side of the street is the green dome of a mosque, mirroring the orange dome of the church. The mosque is located inside Balata Refugee Camp, the most densely populated refugee camp in the West Bank. Over 30,000 Palestinians live within 1 square kilometer of land; most of these residents were displaces from Jaffa and Haifa, now both within the state of Israel.

This is the view of Balata Refugee Camp from the roof of the Yafa Cultural Center. A friend of mine used to work there, and I had the chance to spend a day learning about some of their programs and about the camp itself.
Jacob’s Well draws a few pilgrims to the city, and some tourists come to sample the knafeh or visit the Old City, but Nablus is still removed from much of the tourism in Palestine. It is unlike the cosmopolitan Ramallah with cafes catered to the traveler crowd or Bethlehem with its shops selling goods from the Holy Land to thousands each year. That is not to say Nablus is somehow more authentic that these places, but to say that it’s different, and that it most definitely warrants a visit.
Late last Thursday night an 18-month-old Palestinian baby was burned to death in his family home. Israeli settlers attacked the home in Duma, a village just south of Nablus. The parents of the baby, Ali Saad Dawabsheh, were badly burned in the attack, as was his four-year old brother.
On Friday morning, a 17 year-old boy named Laith Khaldi was shot and killed by Israeli soldiers at Atara checkpoint near Birzeit. He was participating in protests of the arson and death of the baby the night before.
These are not isolated events.
These events are reflections of the everyday reality that Palestinians face. Particularly heinous acts of violence tend to be picked up by foreign media, but far more stories go untold.
In the few days since these attacks, there has been plenty of media coverage quoting the Israeli army and government’s condemnation of Jewish terrorism.
We strongly condemn the attempt to instill hatred and violence in our midst and will deal with the murderer to the fullest extent of the law
— PM of Israel (@IsraeliPM) August 2, 2015
We condemn all acts of terrorism. Our thoughts are with the families of the victims. We wish all a peaceful Shabbat. pic.twitter.com/NCVRGicoK5
— IDF (@IDFSpokesperson) July 31, 2015
Far fewer headlines connect this latest killing to Israel’s policy of impunity towards settler violence. Settlers and soldiers have full power over Palestinians and are privileged by all factions of the Israeli government.
Settlers are very rarely punished for violence towards Palestinians. In all likelihood, the people responsible for the murder of the young Dawabsheh will never see the inside of a courtroom or prison.
It’s completely hypocritical for Prime Minister Nettanyahu to condemn the murder of Ali Dawabsheh as an “abhorrent act” while condoning the Israeli military’s killing of Al-Khaldi.
This violence comes from the same place. Acts of terrorism carried out by settlers and the Israeli military’s indiscriminate violence towards Palestinians are both consequences of the policies of the Israeli government and its colonial project. But extremist violence is not simply a consequence of the occupation.
Settler violence is an inextricable part of the occupation.
A burned infant was only a matter of time in view of policy to not protect Palestinians from violent settlers http://t.co/JvzNUp62E6
— B’Tselem בצלם بتسيلم (@btselem) July 31, 2015
There’s no way to defeat Jewish terrorism without ending the occupation http://t.co/VbijMwU7Bz by @nsheizaf pic.twitter.com/zAssuC43PK
— +972 Magazine (@972mag) August 3, 2015
No family should ever have to bury their baby. No teenager should be gunned down for marching in a peaceful protest. The actions that led to these deaths come from the same source, and neither can be defeated by targeting the individuals responsible. An end to this violence can only come from an end to the hypocrisy and fundamental change to the structures that allow and encourage these acts to happen.
Hebron is a microcosm of the occupation. Nowhere else in the West Bank is there such close contact between settlers and Palestinians. Nowhere else in the West Bank is there a building split down the center to serve as a mosque and a synagogue. Nowhere else in the West Bank have I seen such obvious evidence of the consequences of occupation, for both Israelis and Palestinians.
Hebron is also a city with religious significance. Timelines from the Jewish, Muslim, and Christian traditions differ on the founding of the city and which groups historically had control over it, but all three religions acknowledge it as a holy place. It is believed that Abraham, the father of all three religions, lived there around 1800 BCE.
The modern history of Hebron is even more contentious. The first Israeli settlements were established in the city shortly after the Arab-Israeli War in 1967. In 1997 following the Second Intifada, Hebron was split into two areas: H1 controlled by the Palestinian National Authority and H2, under Israeli control. The city has seen more violence than most places in Palestine because of this unique partitioning.

This is the last unoccupied home in the Old City. This man and his family continue to live here and resist Israeli attempts to seize their home.

This is the view from that same rooftop in the other direction. On the left, an Israeli soldiers talks to settlers, and on the right an Israeli flag flies at a security outlook.
The settlements in Hebron are unlike those anywhere else. The entire Old City is part of H2, although there are still tens of thousands of Palestinians living there. 650 Israeli-Jewish settlers live among the Palestinian population, or more accurately above the Palestinian population.
Settlers literally live above Palestinians in the Old City. Palestinians are only allowed to live on the first floors of buildings, and settlers live above them. Barbed wire, tarps, and fencing vertically divides the two populations and help to protect Palestinians from garbage and debris thrown upon them by settlers.
The settlements within Hebron are surrounded by Palestinian neighborhoods that appear deserted. Almost all of the shops are boarded up and many homes remain empty. Shuhada Street is the largest of these closed down streets. This once-thriving commercial center has been turned into a ghost town. Many Palestinians refer to this street as “Apartheid Street.”

A street in the Old City that is now virtually deserted. These shops were forcibly closed by Israeli soldiers.
I walked with Nidal, my Palestinian guide, through the Old City as we made our way to al-Ibrahimi Mosque/The Tomb of the Patriarchs. This building marks the central holy site in Hebron and sits above the place where Abraham, Sarah, Isaac, and Ishmael are believed to be buried. The mosque was also the site of a massacre in 1994. A Jewish settler came into the mosque and opened fire on people inside praying, killing 29 and wounding over 100. It was after this massacre that the site was partitioned and a synagogue was created that now takes up 60% of the building.

A man prayers inside the al-Ibrahimi Mosque. This is the site of the 1994 massacre that left 29 dead.

Navigating the Old City can only be done by crossing through a series of Israeli-controlled security checkpoints.
All throughout our journey we had to cross through security checkpoints. There are over 20 checkpoints in the 1km area surrounding the Tomb of the Patriarchs. They separate settlements from Palestinian neighborhoods and isolate neighborhoods from one another. Legally, Israeli soldiers are allowed to detain individuals at each checkpoint for up to three hours, which means it could literally take days just to walk down the street.
Nidal wanted to speak with some of the Israeli soldiers stationed at these checkpoints to hear their perspectives on the situation in Hebron. Some wouldn’t speak to us, but a few agreed. As Nidal was stopped at one of the checkpoints, he asked the soldier one question “What is the solution for the problems between Israelis and Palestinians?”
The soldier simply replied, “We don’t have a problem; we live in peace.”
There are many words I would use to describe how Israelis and Palestinians live in the West Bank. Peace is not one of them. The constant security checks, the occupation of land, the ubiquity of soldiers – this is not peace for Palestinians or for Israelis.
We walked away from the soldier, and I was outraged that he could have possibly said what he did. Nidal thought about his words differently: “I don’t blame the settlers or the soldiers as individuals. I blame the government. I blame the media that feeds them lies and propaganda. They are brainwashed from the time they are children to hate us. It’s not their fault.”
I don’t know about you, but I really hate moving. When I moved into my new house at school, I seriously considered getting rid of everything I own and living out of my backpack indefinitely. Moving out of the office at PHF has is an entirely different experience.
The office that I’ve come to know over the past month, with its white walls and blue carpets, has been PHF’s home for 14 years. Every inch of it is packed with memories of where the organization has been. I’ve seen drawings from Smiling Faces campers who are now my age, language books from the ‘90s that opened doors for young learners, and years’ worth of embroidery projects that reflect Palestinian culture.
Leaving all that behind and making a huge change is daunting and difficult, especially for those that have been here since the beginning. I feel like I’m leaving a home of sorts, and I’ve only arrived here in June. But I think this move also symbolizes what is ahead for PHF, and I feel so fortunate to be here at such an exciting time for the organization.
Mohammed mentioned that he had been planning to move for a while, but hadn’t found the right place or reason yet. In the month since I’ve been here, he found both. We’re moving to Refedia Street, one of the busiest and largest streets in Nablus. Visiting the new office, I can already tell that it will be a major change of environment. The new space will serve all of PHF’s current needs, as well as have a space for the opening of Open Gate Studio, a music studio aimed at giving youth in Nablus a space for creative expression. After years of work, this studio is becoming a reality.

The triumphant group after moving the desk up three flights of stairs and down a very narrow hallway
As we clean out the office, I’ve learned a lot about where PHF has come from, and especially how Mohammed has guided this organization through the changing climates of Palestinian civil society. There was a moment when we were moving when I wasn’t sure everything would work out; we didn’t think Mohammed’s desk would fit through the hallway in the new space. I would have carefully measure all of the desk and the hallway, to be sure that it would fit before hauling it up the stairs. Instead, the guys just brought it up and hoped for the best. They hit the walls a few times, but in the end managed to make it work. That attitude is sometimes necessary for working in Palestine. Israeli soldiers sometimes close the roads, checkpoints are sometimes impassable, and the state of Palestine changes almost daily, but somehow organizations like PHF find a way to make it work and keep going.
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“Our day will come.”
These were the words that greeted me the first time I stood in front of the International Wall in Belfast, Northern Ireland. This wall houses murals depicting various conflicts and injustices worldwide.

This was the mural on the International Wall in Belfast depicting Palestinian solidarity during my first visit.
The conflict in Northern Ireland known as “The Troubles” has many parallels to the conflict in Palestine. The International Wall in particular highlights the ways in which the experiences of people in Northern Ireland are similar to other conflicts.
My first trip to Belfast was also the first time I really heard about Palestine outside of the context of western media. It is fitting that I had the chance to visit Belfast again before starting my work as a Peace Fellow with The Palestinian House of Friendship.
PHF provides programs for children and youth who have been negatively impacted by the ongoing Israeli military occupation, the increase in poverty, and the growing instability in Nablus.
My detour in Belfast was in part a way for me to ease myself into the idea of calling Palestine home for the next three months. I sat in familiar pubs and talked with familiar people about challenges I know I will face this summer.
There are still walls that separates communities in Belfast. There are still people for whom checkpoints, walls, and occupation feel more normal than peace. There are many reasons that the Irish in Northern Ireland feel solidarity with Palestinians.

“Where is the world?” This was the message on the International Wall during my latest visit to Belfast.
But there are also many differences between these two people and places. They have different histories and different contemporary circumstances. But despite these differences, the message that was written on that wall two years ago resonates with many of them and with me.
In Irish, “our day will come” is “tiocfaidh ár lá.” In Arabic, it’s “yeomna qadm.” Whatever language, the sentiment is the same.
Going into this summer in Palestine, I have many goals and many worries. I’m honored to have the opportunity to work with the PHF, and I hope to keep the lessons I’ve learned in Belfast in mind.
Wool. Wool everywhere. I am afraid that for the next few months I will be obsessed with recurring nightmares of flocks waiting to be sheared like in the picture below. At that point, counting the sheep to fall asleep would no longer be feasible to fight insomnia.
I think this week in Ain Leuh I had the most surreal tea-time conversation ever. Planning to offer to visitors an entire overview of the weaving process, the women of Association Tifsa have been debating over how and whom to ask to find sheep to shear in August, explaining to me the difference between an Amazigh sheep and an Arab one (mainly an issue of size) and planning for what time to meet the following day to bring me to wash the wool by the local piscine.
And there you go: today alarm set at 7 o’clock (not as early as I fathomed, fortunately) and I have been provided with an appropriate outfit for the activity ahead. Hachmia and Hurriya, my trainers for today, have been instructing me on how to distinguish a usable piece of wool,which I then proceeded to pound vigorously for soap to penetrate the wool evenly.
Not exactly a relaxing task, but the view of the candid wool that would result after being washed by the spring water was enough fulfilling to make me continue and do a good job.

Rinsing the wool was made enough difficult by the temperature of the water and no wonder most of the women suffer of rheumatisms, for I could not resist too long with my feet in full immersion. To my relief, there it came Hurrya’s father to offer us kaskrout to alleviate a little bit the fatigue.

Back to the Association, it was not hard to the other ladies to tell what I had been doing earlier: my smell was apparently too revealing to their nostrils. And I was not smelling exactly like teen spirit.
But it was useful enough to trigger a very informative conversation over the different types of wool and the lack of awareness among tourists and visitors about how prices can vary widely among types: one kilo of fine wool might get up to 180 dirhams per kilo as opposed to just 40 dirhams for the poorest quality.
Which reminded me of a conversation I had earlier this month with a couple of tourists insisting that the prices practised by the weavers were too high. Only to realize later that not only they were not aware that wool had been dyed naturally, but also that their guide had been applying a commission on the price, an heinous practice that reflects even more badly on the weavers and their capacity to sell for a fair price. An awareness that they wish to raise by involving visitors directly into their weaving process, which, I promise, will be a memorable experience!

“Do you know what tifsa mean”?. “It means Spring, it is a beautiful name”.
With these words the newly-elected president of Association Tifsa – Saidia Oubaala – explained to me the Amazigh word that weavers in Ain Leuh have chosen for the new non-profit they have decided to set up in order to infuse new lymph into their Amazigh heritage and raise greater awareness about the issues they face everyday as both women and artisans striving to perpetuate an art which is currently endangered and at risk of extinction.
Discretion and tact have earned Saidia great respect among the women at the cooperative, despite having joined it more recently as compared to other senior members. These qualities – and the fact that Saidia is able to read and write in both French and Arabic – made her appointment almost a natural choice. The pragmatism that the women here possess had also a role in the decision: being not married, she would also be able to dedicate greater time to the management of the Association. Applauses accompanied the election, with meskina Saidia hiding her face as if a little bit ashamed of so much attention.
And to testify to the intention of expanding the scope of the activities of the Association beyond the walls of the cultural center, the women voted for the appointment of Hassan Mestour to the Board of Directors, in the quality of treasurer. Hassan, who is currently employed as manager and translator for a nearby tourist facility, has traded a safer life in the US to make his way back to Ain Leuh – indeed, an oddity in the geography of migration and a testimony of his strong attachment to this land. Strongly committed to bring the potential of the Middle Atlas together, Hassan tirelessly encourages Ain Leuhers to look “at the wider picture” – in his own words – and to overcome shortsightedness and individualism to the benefit of the whole community.
Nor could I fail to mention the efforts that all the members put together and that made this accomplishment possible and makes me hope for a bright future ahead for Tifsa, that can count upon the expertise and determination of the weavers to keep their women’s heritage alive. As in the words of one of its most accomplished members, master weaver and trainer, Khadija: “I hope to be able to weave until I will have a last sparkle of light in my eyes”.
Finally, and in order to give a small taste to my followers of what kind of activities Association Tifsa is going to propose to its visitors, here are some of the first series of pictures that document my experiments at the loom with my rug nujum-lleil – night stars.
First day has, of course, entailed preparation of the warp that we then proceeded to mount of the loom. 
Mounting the warp has already offered some revealing insights on the symbolism associated with Amazigh weaving and its strong correlation with the life cycle and fertility: I have discovered that in my failure to correctly fix one thread to the hmaar nèra (the mechanism designed to keep the threads separated – and yes – for those who study Arabic – it is called “donkey”), I will be apparently blessed in my future with just one baby, a girl.
But more about it in my next entry, in which I will go specifically into the process and cover thoroughly all the blesses and curses that my mistakes at the loom will draw upon me. In the meantime, I will be blessed with the adorable Fatima practising her weaving skills with my hair…
I should have probably anticipated this moment. And found myself regretting the black large-sleeved ‘abayah à là Morticia Addams that I had purchased in Saudi Arabia 3 years ago. Not exactly comfortable if you are eating soup – for the sleeves would be all over the place – but definitely perfect for showing off a little bit. Instead, I forgot to pack it when it was most needed.
I realized my unforgivable mistake yesterday night, when I happened to find myself invited at a party for the celebration of a new-born here in Ain Leuh. A strictly girl-only event – sorry, guys – where I could not but pale at the superiority of the dancing skills of ALL the ladies present. All those years spent in a disco on Saturday nights try to boost some good moves! What a waste of time. Even the banat could do better than me!
The lady beside me in the picture below must have felt pitiful for me, because at some point during the ahidous – the dance performed in occasion of a wedding – she came to rescue me and gave me some tips on how to execute the steps correctly. How am I ever going to find a husband if I dance so clumsily, she must have thought. I could not but agree.
But the ladies are making sure that this musibah (catastrophe) will be averted: among other things, they are feeding me to the point of no return, to make sure that I get into proper shape by the end of August. Being not used to eating so much, I try to inquire previously about the next course, as to calculate precisely how much I space is still left in my stomach. Sometimes this is a double-edged sword, as it occurred yesterday, when I investigated whether there would be harira (traditional soup) after the iftar. Well apparently that was not on the menu, but since I asked they prepared that for me. Ouch!
So after a night of total unwinding, today I finally got to design the small rug I will produce as part of a series of activities the Association will offer to visitors and aimed at raising greater awareness on the issue of Amazigh women weavers. I got the idea from a design I spotted on the loom at one of the women’s house. It should be an easy one – or so I have been told- but I liked its since first moment I saw it. And it has very evocative name: nujum ‘lleil, night stars.I am looking forward to it.
First week of Ramadan has gone by and I am still striving to adjust to the new pace of life here in Ain Leuh. Nor do the ladies seem to actually be affected by the deprivation of food and sleep, their rhythm of work being basically unchanged, if not actually increased with the beginning of the Holy month. Indeed, I still find it hard to understand when do they find time to recharge, since – far from my own idyllic idea of a relaxing time in the rural countryside of Morocco – I strive to keep up with them and I often can’t help but falling asleep in the less appropriate moments (my boss would be relieved to hear that this took place outside working hours!).
As it occurred to me a couple of nights ago, when my host, Khadouj, invited me to join her for a sadaqa, the first of a three-day long vigil for a dead neighbor. Despite the difficulty I encountered to keep my eyes open given the late time, I am grateful to her and the ladies sitting in the room that night for letting me, a total stranger, taking part to even the most intimate and private aspects of Moroccan and Muslim life, which I indeed consider a privilege to be treasured of.
This also served to remind me how easy death can occur in conditions of deprivation and poverty, as it happened this same week to one lady who lost her baby of miscarriage for the hardships of working in the cherry picking and the lifting of heavy weights that this job entails. Or to Rouquia, my host’s niece, who has almost risked her life out of a simple infection, and the difficulty of her mother, Fatima, in paying for her medicines, which obliged her to contract debts with neighboring shop-keepers for basic foodstuff she would not be able to pay for a while.
On my part, I learnt the weavers’ way to ward off bad luck, which I am explaining in the following video, shot during a tour I happened to give in occasion of the visit of a group of American volunteers serving in the nearby village of Toufsalt. Enjoy!
I want to recall here the first time I got in touch with Khadija Ouchkack, the energetic treasurer at the Cooperative de Tisseaux in Ain Leuh, my host organization for this Summer with the Advocacy Project.
Resolute to train me again to the huge quantities of food to which I will very likely be exposed, my friend Kautar took seriously the task by bringing me to the best Moroccan restaurant here in D.C. After this exquisite culinary reharsal, we began composing Khadija’s number. The Moroccan community here in Washington is on the rise, Kautar herself being a Moroccan of Amazigh origins whom I met earlier this year: like many other thousands young Moroccans, she had to leave family and friends in search of a more dignified life she might not have probably found, had she stayed in Morocco.
This also has direct effects on Amazigh tradition and its capacity of perpertuating itself, since increasing numbers of young Amazighs are seeking alternative ways of making a living, pushed as they are by economic hardships and the unfair price the weavers receive by wealthier middle men for their products.
Here is the moment the phone started ringing. Being always a little anxious when it comes to a new experience and phone calls in another language, Khadija soon dissipated all my anxieties with her warm and welcoming voice, kindly offering me a room in her house and asking to give her a call once at the airport so as to make sure I would find easily my way once in Ain Leuh.
Women like Khadija and the weavers in Ain Leuh strive tirelessly to support their families and children and keep the tradition alive, at the same time. Benan – one of my predecessors at AP – made it clear from the very first moment that the women she found escaped any stereotypes of victimhood attached typically to them. But – as in the eternal debate over agency and structure, and over which one has the primacy – the underrepresentation of their products is something real, and trying to give greater visibility to Amazigh traditional art that has been passed over centuries is something that can be accomplished without acting patronizingly and, above all, by avoiding perpetuating mechanisms of dependence. I hope I will be able to insert myself in the path my colleagues have so far so successfully traced and, with this in mind, let the journey begin!
Israeli and U.S. flags wave as Jerusalem’s evening winds rustle through the crowds collecting to watch an enormous screen displaying Glenn Beck’s speech taking place in another part of the city.
Sitting in the back of the crowd with my notebook and pen, I exchange amused looks of disbelief with my colleagues scattered around the fringes of the audience as Mr. Beck launches into emotional speeches about justice, human rights, and responsibility. Over the span of an hour, he cries four times. My fellow journalists are lined up in the back, rolling their eyes and giving exasperated snorts of disbelief as Glenn Beck pats Israel on the back for its courage and faith. He highlights Rami Levy’s shop in the illegal Israeli settlement of Gush Etzion as a “model of coexistence” for allowing Palestinians to shop there and proclaims that “Israel is here because of God’s promise.”
He then attacks the international community for speaking out against Israeli violation of humanitarian law while letting countries like “North Korea, Libya and Syria” get away with oppression and the slaughter of their own people.
Using Mother Teresa and other humanitarian figures as examples, he says “They gave their life for human rights. They fought for justice and freedom.”
“We need people who tell the truth,” he shouts out to the waving flags and clapping hands. My colleagues and I stare at each other pointedly. It’s almost painful to hear. In a country where the truth is held down tightly, pinned to the ground by Israeli soldiers, we couldn’t agree more, though our opinions on where truth is to be found differ widely from Glenn Beck’s. We see the truth written on the walls of the separation barrier and scrawled onto the hearts of innocent civilians quietly passing their years in the confines of Israeli detention centers. We see it flickering in the eyes of the oppressed and in the activists, journalists, and ordinary citizens who transcribe it and are subsequently beleaguered and belittled.
In a country where journalists and activists tread carefully, often giving fake names and using cover stories, Glenn Beck’s words ring true. The context and meaning however do not. In a twist of bemused irony, much of his speech would be somewhat logical in the context of the Palestinian struggle. Flipping it around though and celebrating Israel for its fight to promote justice, freedom, faith, and “human responsibility” is simply laughable. The story Glenn Beck portrays is horrendously one-sided, naive, and in many instances…just plain wrong.
“Restoring courage,” he says. I couldn’t agree more. But let’s start with restoring the courage to challenge unjust policy, to promote social justice, to act with compassion, and to end occupation. Let’s start with restoring the courage to hear the truth so that those who have the gumption to tell it are not arrested, deported, or beaten.
“You were not born so someone could rule over you,” Beck shouts out to the Israelis.
Less than 10 kilometers away Palestinian civilians stand doggedly in a crowded line at one of over 700 checkpoints in the West Bank. Israeli soldiers look over their permits and IDs, scanning their fingerprints, before telling them whether they can go home or not. Beck wipes a tear away, his face contorted with emotion.
“Every single life is sacred.” The crowd–primarily American*–cheers. Repeated air strikes in Gaza have left thousands dead. Settler violence is increasing against civilians.
“What we value is under siege,” he continues, “Darkness is spreading. Far too many politicians are too willing to look the other way…It’s no wonder the children of the world are setting their streets on fire.” His hypocrisy reverberates against the rubble of demolished Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem.
While Beck applauds and commends Israel for its noble struggle, Palestinians are resolutely piecing their lives together, rebuilding homes demolished dozens of times and replanting olive trees uprooted for “security reasons.” Israel’s so-called “noble struggle” is only serving to fan the smoldering embers of a people burned too many times.
*It should be noted that Glenn Beck is not especially popular in Israel at the moment. Particularly after he lashed out at the Israeli tent protesters. The extreme right-wing appears to be fond of him, but from what I can gather, it seems most people wish that he would just stay home. I know the feeling.
Also posted on the AIC Website.
Standing on the hilltop we hear the goat herder before we see him. The voice of a young boy, 11 or 12 perhaps, whooping and hollering to urge his goats forward and onto the grazing land his family has been unable to access for the past 10 years. After a long battle, Israeli activists and lawyers have won the support of the Israeli High Court and these Palestinian shepherds are once more reunited with their land.
David, a lean Israeli activist with a cigarette perpetually dangling from his fingers, surveys the group of activists gathered in a Jerusalem parking lot. He has a slight smile as he explains today’s schedule. First we join the Palestinian shepherds to intervene in the event that settlers show up to harass them. Then we will help to clear away rubble from a demolished village nearby before heading to a recently constructed Israeli outpost to survey the scene. “Last week we were told it was a closed military zone and were asked to leave. This week it will probably be the same thing, but we will go anyway.”
Thirty minutes after meeting up with the Palestinian shepherds, a cloud of dust rolls forward before dissipating into the air to reveal an IDF jeep on the horizon. Cameras instantly appear in the hands of almost every activist as they circle back together and warily eye the approaching soldiers. David pulls a number of maps out as he and the Israeli soldiers discuss the situation. A wry smile flits across his face as he waves us off the land. “This land is for Palestinians only.” Soldiers lean against the jeeps, assault rifles dangling lazily from fraying shoulder straps, as we walk to a nearby hill to continue watching the shepherds.
Later in the afternoon after a few hours of clearing away rubble from a demolished home, we walk to the site of an old battered tent; an outpost set up by Israeli settlers to lay claim to the land. The soldiers unscrupulously defend it and angrily push video cameras away for a few minutes before giving up and circling around it to prevent any of the activists from getting too close. Three settlers show up to speak with the soldiers before we are escorted off the land by three military jeeps and dozens of heavily armed soldiers. An Israeli woman walking next to me mentions that last week they had tear gas canisters fired at them. A few weeks before that, activists were assaulted by the IDF as they protested against the expansion of a settlement. Footage from the scene shows David being violently shoved to the ground, a cigarette still dangling from his fingers.
A member of the Christian Peacemaker Team points to a road nearby. “This is where the IDF accompany Palestinian children to school to prevent settlers from attacking them. Internationals used to do it, but after a few were critically wounded, the Knesset voted that the IDF should take charge.”
At the end of the road the soldiers stop and we continue to the bus waiting to take us back to Jerusalem. Along the way we stop at a small shop selling stacks of watermelon, dented cans of soda, and an eclectic assortment of snacks. Sitting underneath an olive tree, David grins, “We can enjoy good watermelon and support the Palestinian economy.”
“You do this every week?”
A young man sitting next to me nods. “Sometimes we meet twice a week. We also join weekly protests against the wall on Fridays.”
“For how long?”
He takes a bite of watermelon, the juice dripping down his hands, and shrugs “Until it [the occupation] stops.”
Iyad Burnat, head of the Bil’in Popular Committee, sits before the crowded room at the Alternative Information Center in Beit Sahour. On the screen behind him, images flash from six years of nonviolent resistance against the construction of the Israeli separation wall through Bil’in: a soldier pointing a gun at a child; men and women ducking as a milky cloud of tear gas spirals from a container at their feet; activists being forcibly removed from the protest by soldiers.
In June, Israeli army bulldozers began work to dismantle the wall in Bil’in. After two years of protests, the Israel High Court ruled in 2007 that the path of the wall was illegal, but it would be four more years and hundreds more weekly demonstrations before any dismantling of the wall began. A time during which, Burnat explains, protestors suffered 1300 injuries, 2 deaths, and 100 prisoners were detained for 4 months or longer.
When asked if the Israeli soldiers sometimes interact with weekly protesters in a friendly manner, he responds “Not here. They have no human reaction. They function only on orders.”
A clip from a recent documentary detailing the events of the past six years is shown. All eyes are directed toward the screen where international activists are chaining themselves to olive trees as Israeli bulldozers arrive on the scene. An older Palestinian woman screams at the soldiers, “We want just to live like you live. These trees are all we have left. You want to tear them down? This one is 1,000 years old.” The bulldozers push the trees forward; the silver leaves are shoved into the soil, their roots pointing toward the sky and the scorching sun.
The lights flick back on and Burnat sits quietly in front of the audience for a few moments before explaining that popular resistance is not something that Bil’in invented. “It has existed in Palestine for generations. There were other villages and communities engaged in resistance before we [Bil’in] adopted these weekly protests. We made it appealing to residents and internationals so we did not invent the wheel, but rather set up a model that is being followed.”
He continues that they are pleased with their success in moving back the construction of the wall by 500 meters, but that they are not resisting simply the wall. They are resisting occupation and they will continue their weekly demonstrations until the Israeli occupation has ended.
“Do you have the motivation to keep fighting?” someone asks.
Burnat looks straight ahead. “Yes.” There is a brief silence in the room as everyone gazes expectantly. “Every Friday we have hope [that the occupation will end]. If not this Friday, then next.”
It’s midnight and my colleague and I are still at work interviewing Raja Za’atra and Shahin Nassar at a protest camp in Wadi Nisnas, a Palestinian neighborhood in the Israeli town of Haifa.
The camp is set up on a roundabout of the main intersection in Wadi Nisnas. Roaches dart out from the bushes and scurry around our feet, but we are too exhausted to do anything other than flick them away indifferently.
Just a few hours before we sat huddled around our computers in a small internet cafe obsessively updating the breaking news feeds of Israeli newspapers as the details from an attack in Eilat and the subsequent retaliation attack in Gaza unfolded. Now we pile into Shahin’s car and head up the road to the Israeli protest camp where they are conducting a meeting to discuss future plans.
Pizza boxes are in circulation as a crowd of people sit in a circle on the ground, a whispered buzz of conversation reverberates along the fringes of the group. Occasionally someone turns around and shushes the smaller groups congregating. They are discussing the hierarchy of the group and trying to decide how to respond to the Eilat attacks. Groups in Tel Aviv have already decided to suspend their demonstrations and there are concerns that the protests will lose their momentum as fears of further attacks escalate.
Uri Weltmann, member of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Young Communist League of Israel, is staying in the Hadar camp in Haifa. When asked about the decision to suspend the demonstrations he comments, “It’s a bad decision because it creates a wall between conflict and social justice and the two are obviously interconnected. This perpetuates the conflict and [the government] is using the conflict to put aside all other issues. How can you struggle for social justice when the Israeli/Palestinian conflict takes precedence?”
Earlier in the afternoon we stumbled into the Wadi Nisnas camp to meet Shahin, a journalist and one of the individuals behind the idea of setting up a camp in Haifa’s Palestinian neighborhood. He and his family are Palestinians from 1948 who suddenly found themselves a minority in what had previously been their own country. There are only three Palestinian protest camps among the many Israeli camps currently scattered across the country.Wadi Nisnas is one of them.
“It started out as a joke,” he says with a mischievous smile. “We created a Facebook group and then suddenly people started joining and supporting the idea. We even had to go out and search for tents because we didn’t have them.”
When asked if the community is supportive of the camp he tells us that most of the younger generations are, but some of the older generations don’t see the point of it.
“There are many voices in the Arab community who say ‘This struggle is not ours,’ but we have been struggling for 63 years and what have we got? Nothing. Absolutely nothing. This is an opportunity to address the [Israeli] middle class and let them know about our struggles and our problems…I’m not an Israeli guy, but I live here and everything that happens here affects me. We have been struggling for 63 years. I see it as a great opportunity to raise our voice.”
In Haifa, at least, many of the Israelis involved in the protest camps have been receptive to that voice. At a recent demonstration of 30,000 people Shahin spoke of the need to remember the struggles of the Palestinian people and the effects of occupation. Thousands of Israelis cheered and applauded in response to his comments.
With September rapidly approaching and the protests entering their fifth week, many are worried that the government will use the Eilat attacks to derail the protests and any other discussions of social justice inside (and outside) Israel. Those with a cynical leaning shake their heads at the attacks and mention in a jaded tone that the timing of the attacks couldn’t be better for Netanyahu if he’d planned it. UN agencies are being asked to evacuate Gaza and Hamas is pulling its officials out while vehemently denying any involvement in the attack. We sit uneasily, our eyes toward Gaza, scanning the horizon for any indication of what’s to come. I was here during “Operation Cast Lead” when 1400 Palestinian civilians fell under Israeli fire. Those images still flick through my head at unexpected moments.
It’s 1:00 a.m. and the meeting in Haifa’s Carmel camp is still going strong. We decide to call it a night and head back to the quieter confines of our little roundabout oasis in Wadi Nisnas.
Shahin shakes the hands of a few nearby friends, waving good-bye and telling them he’ll see them tomorrow.
“People here are not the problem,” he says, “It’s the government, these politicians who play this democracy game.”
81 members of Congress are preparing to arrive in Israel on a week-long visit sponsored by the the American Israel Education Fund, a non-profit affiliate of the politically powerful American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC).
AIPAC, a pro-Israel lobbying group in the U.S., wields a tremendous amount of influence over U.S. foreign policy in the Middle East and regularly sponsors trips to Israel for U.S. Congress Members. It’s estimated that between 2000-2005, The American Israel Education Foundation spent more than $950,000 on congressional travel. AIPAC lobbies hard to ensure that the $3 billion a year Israel receives in military aid does not diminish. Estimates indicate that Israel receives over $8 million a day from the U.S.
While both Israeli and American citizens struggle to afford health care, housing, and education, Israel is using U.S. tax dollars to: man over 700 checkpoints and road blocks within the West Bank; use tear gas, rubber bullets, and live ammunition to quell nonviolent protests; construct a separation wall; uproot thousands of Palestinian olive trees, some of which are thousands of years old; imprison Palestinian minors; demolish Palestinian homes with American-made bulldozers; and implement a perpetual blockade on the people of Gaza.
The first of 26 Democrats arrive on Monday (Aug 15) and they will be followed by 55 Republicans, 47 of whom are freshman members.
House Majority Leader Eric Cantor stated, “I am pleased to be bringing so many of our new Members of Congress to Israel…The United States and Israel share similar core values of democracy, human rights and a strong national defense. These shared values contribute to our strong relationship and allow our two countries to work closely together to protect the interests and security of both of our nations. By visiting Israel in-person, Members will better understand the importance of the U.S.-Israel relationship and our role in promoting stability in this critical region.”
Most major U.S. news agencies have either ignored this topic altogether or buried it in the back pages of their papers (EDIT: Aug 16 NYTimes Article). Reports from staffers indicate that though some Congress members are reluctant to participate in this trip, they feel AIPAC is too powerful to ignore and doing so could target their removal from Congress. The pro-Israel lobby in the U.S. is frighteningly powerful. Though there are many reasons to doubt the scrupulousness of U.S. involvement in the Israeli Palestinian peace negotiations, it is this one that solidifies my belief that the U.S. is an absolutely inappropriate mediator. Its hands are tied by political and economic alliances and by a lobby so strong that U.S. Congress members are concerned about losing their seat should they dare to go against the grain.
This is not honorable politics. It’s a circus ring moderated by a group who directs policy to meet its own interest and persists in parading U.S. politicians around Israel on these thinly veiled propaganda junkets.
Overlooking the fact that following one of the most dramatic political battles in recent history that spurred concerns of a double-dip recession, Congress members ought to use the recess to meet with their constituencies and focus on sorting out the downward spiral of the U.S. economy…the blatant favoritism this tour promotes is maddening.
It is unlikely that U.S. Congress members will tour the demolished homes of Palestinians or witness the violent reaction of the IDF to nonviolent protestors. Nor will they speak with Palestinian minors who have been imprisoned for stone throwing while their Israeli counterparts throw stones, glass, trash, and sewage at Palestinian civilians with little to no intervention. They will not see the thousands of Palestinians lined up at 4:00 in the morning outside of Bethlehem’s Checkpoint 300, waiting to cross into Jerusalem to pray at their holy sites.
While the members of Congress are touring Masada, a Jewish symbol of resistance against the Roman army, they will never see the resistance that is happening here and now on the part of the Palestinians. When you see the control of the pro-Israel lobby and the propaganda being spewed forth, it’s not hard to understand why Americans honor the resistance of one people while simultaneously frowning upon the resistance of another against the same style of oppression and injustice.
Gazing upon such hypocrisy, Theodore Roosevelt’s words reverberate through my being,
“Like his fellow statesmen he failed to see the curious absurdity of supporting black slavery [oppression], and yet claiming universal suffrage for whites [all] as a divine right, not as a mere matter of expediency. He had not learned that the majority in a democracy has no more right to tyrannize over a minority than, under a different system, the latter would to oppress the former.”
The ideals of freedom and justice, spoon-fed to me as a child, punish me. I cannot gaze on this farce of a democracy without wincing.
Standing in the middle of a street in Tel Aviv, people are pushing from all sides. Above me I can see signs being jostled against the backdrop of streetlights. People are hanging from balconies, standing on roofs, leaning out of bars. The heat is almost unbearable as bodies crush against each other in one of the largest protests ever to grace the streets of Tel Aviv.
The night previously my colleague and I had crammed ourselves into the back of a sherut (shared taxi) in search of Rothschild Boulevard and the protesters camped out on its street, challenging Netanyahu to return Israel to its origins as a welfare state.
“I think this is it,” I say, nudging my colleague who is gazing down at her notebook, writing a few details down.
“Are you sure?” she asks.
Directing her attention to the hundreds of tents lining the street, I nod. “Yeah. I’m pretty sure.”
Standing for a moment before a massive Israeli flag draped in front of a building –three teardrops cut out below the iconic blue Star of David–, we turn to look at each other.
“Wow…”
“Yeah.”
My colleague is from Argentina. I am from the U.S. Neither one of us is a stranger to massive street protests, but this sort of thing you just don’t see in Israel. Israelis simply don’t have a history of protest. In fact, the first major anti-war protest wasn’t held until the 1980’s.
So to see thousands of people milling about a normally quiet Tel Aviv street with signs demanding “Power to the People,” “Real Democracy Now,” “End Americanization,” “Tear Down the Wall” is shocking. It takes my breath away to see it and as we traipse up and down the median of the Boulevard in search of a place to set up our tent, we meet with a microcosm of Israeli society.
Families welcome Shabbat, bands blare music, children play under the watchful eyes of their parents, barefoot students lounge on cast-off couches strewn about the camps. As we push our way through the crowd, people are handing out flyers, food is being served, and every where excited voices ricochet off of a tangible assurance of imminent change.
In a bit of a daze, we unpack our tent, rolling it out onto the grass as we try to prevent the tent poles from sticking out into the street where traffic rolls through, occasionally slowing down to gaze at the spectacle. A woman who speaks no English comes to help us set up our tent. Finally she sits back to watch, occasionally pantomiming useful information about where we can find water or go to the restroom.
With the tent set up, we wander the Boulevard. One camp is screening a film on veganism and animals rights. There are plants growing from plastic bottles hanging from trees. My colleague nudges me forward. Another group is watching a documentary on the Black Panthers. Signs hang everywhere. “Social Justice Now” “Revolution of Consciousness” “Bibi (nickname for Netanyahu) go home.”
One group of tents displays photographs of Palestinian home demolitions with signs demanding social justice for all. Just down the street, settlers hand out flyers encouraging those who can’t find housing to move to the settlements in the West Bank where housing is cheap and abundant.
The magnitude of Israelis gathered to demand social justice is overwhelming, but it becomes rapidly clear that the definition of social justice and what exactly it means for the wide scope of political and social interests here remains to be seen. Already questions are being asked about where Palestinians fit into the Israeli population’s demand for social justice, but all anyone can seem to agree on at the moment is that something needs to change.
Rothschild Boulevard seems like more of a party when contrasted with the severity of the situation in Jerusalem, where groups of single mothers, calling themselves the “No Choice Group,” watch out over their children playing in Independence Park directly across from the U.S. consulate. Many of them have been on the list for public housing for over five years and for a few of them, this is not their first time in a tent. One woman describes spending three months in a tent during the rainy season after she was evicted from her apartment. She works 80 hours a month and is unable to meet her basic needs or those of her children.
Sitting on Rothschild Boulevard watching people meander among the tents, a few individuals stop to ask us where we’re from, but only one man asks us why we’re here camped out in the middle of an Israeli protest if we don’t live in Israel. As we toss and turn on the hard ground, fighting the humidity and the blaring bands at 4:00 a.m. in the morning, we’re asking ourselves the same thing. The next evening it becomes clear.
Thronged by people screaming for change in a country where Netanyahu said there would never be protests, something inside of me is deeply touched. To be witness to one of the largest and most dramatic protests ever to sweep Israel is a powerful moment. As I watch soldiers leaning against building walls while Israeli citizens clap their hands and push each other forward, I am surprised to find myself choking back a few tears. It’s hard to stand there and not imagine the day when a protest of that magnitude stands in the street demanding the end of the occupation. Overly optimistic, yes. But I believe that change will come when Israeli citizens demand it and I haven’t given up on them yet.
I have been struggling to come up with a post discussing the other side of things. Speaking of which, I will defer a post about the social movement in Israel right now till after this weekend, but in the meantime, check out this AIC video I helped to create on the subject.
Right now I’d like to discuss why I have a hard time explaining the other side. It is not because I have anything against the Israelis. I don’t. It is because I don’t believe there is anything justifiable or defensible about the occupation.
At its root, this is not a social conflict, it’s not a conflict of religion, and it is not a conflict stemming from an intrinsic hatred existing between Israelis and Palestinians; that is a hatred that has been carefully cultivated. This is a conflict over land. When I lash out against Israel, I lash out against Israeli government policy, against a systematic violation of both international humanitarian law and the socialist principles embodied within the idea of a welfare state.
My frustration surrounding individual action (or inaction) does not translate into a general dislike of everything Israeli. Monday, the first day of Ramadan, I sat on a bus watching a group of Israeli soldiers demanding that an 80-year-old Palestinian woman get off the bus because she had forgotten her ID. (Incidentally this was in Jerusalem and it was not a bus going through any checkpoints.) Staring out the window, my eyes flashing frustration, we sat quietly watching as the bus driver refused to let the soldiers remove her from the bus. They threatened his arrest before demanding an apology. He refused. We sat there for 30 minutes, just long enough to watch the sunset and the stars appear before they let us go.
These are daily occurrences and yet even they do not translate into a hatred of Israel. They translate into something bigger; a determination to end the occupation and the injustice, racism, and violence that goes along with it.

I would not go so far as to say the Israeli public is blameless (is anyone?), however the fact that 80% of settlers are economic settlers, meaning they moved onto Palestinian land not for religious or ideological reasons, but because the government offers a plethora of economic incentives to encourage Israelis to move into settlements, represents something more systematic happening at a much larger level. Many of these economic settlers are not even aware that they are on Palestinian land, believing themselves to be within a legal distance of the green line.
When I think of the other side, there are so many divisions and factions that it becomes difficult to portray. Do I hold anger against the Israeli public? No. Just frustration stemming from the knowledge that a successful campaign in ending the occupation has to come from within. Any anger I have is primarily directed against the Israeli government and extremist settlers. To portray their side is to portray the fanatic fundamentalism of religious ideology and the economic land-grabbing policy that empowers it.
The Israeli government is fond of accusing critics of being anti-Semitic and I am exasperated by the perpetual tip-toeing through this conflict by those wary of being labeled as such. Despite the efforts of the Israeli government to have us believe that “anti-Semitic” and “anti-Zionist” are synonymous, they are not.
Matzpen, after all, was one of the strongest anti-Zionist organizations in the history of Israel and they most decidedly were not anti-Semitic. Matzpen, Hebrew for compass, was the name adopted by the Israeli extreme left that took a stand against Israeli colonialist policy and challenged the occupation and the Zionist philosophy propelling it. The very word, Matzpen, sends a shiver down my spine. In my eyes, these men and women were a group exuding everything Israel could and should be.
It is this movement that, in part, inspires me to take a stand against Israeli occupation policy and Zionism, and it comes from within Israel itself. If you see one film about this conflict, I encourage you to see Matzpen directed by Eran Torbiner. It tells the story of resistance and of some of the most committed individuals I have ever come across. I wish that I could sit everyone down and have them watch this film so they could understand how systematically resistance is suppressed, both from within and without. And also to understand that it’s not just Palestinians who are resisting the occupation. There are a small minority of Israelis who are taking a stand. The Alternative Information Center includes some of these Israelis. I cannot tell you how impressed I am by the AIC staff. Co-founder, Mikado (Michael Warschawski), is one of the most inspiring people I’ve ever met.
I used to walk a more careful line, striving to be in the middle. But the middle of what? You cannot walk a middle line between allowing (even indirectly) the occupation and wanting to end it. It was the Israeli activists who helped me to see this. The conflict itself is not complicated. It was the peace process that created this inexplicable mass of red tape and legal jargon, it was diplomacy that created a murky grey puddle of confusion, and it is Zionism that persists in building illegal settlements, making a two-state solution harder and harder to imagine.
The conflict between the Israeli and the Palestinian people is perpetuated by a much larger global conflict. It is the conflict between humanitarian law and economic interests, between justice and political ties. The peace process here is just one more example of the diplomatic efforts which persistently undermine humanitarian law. Add it to the list. Right in-between Armenia and Rwanda.
This morning at approximately 3:30 a.m. the Israeli Defense Forces surrounded the Freedom Theatre in Jenin, smashed windows, destroyed property, arrested two staff members and held two internationals at gunpoint.
An excerpt from the AIC report
The location manager of The Freedom Theatre, Adnan Naghnaghiye, was arrested and taken away to an unknown location together with Bilal Saadi, a member of the board of The Freedom Theatre. When the general manager of the theatre Jacob Gough from the UK and the co-founder of the theatre Jonatan Stanczak from Sweden arrived to the scene, they were forced at gunpoint to squat next to a family with four small children surrounded by approximately 50 heavily armed Israeli soldiers.
Jonatan says: “Whenever we tried to tell them that they are attacking a cultural venue and arresting members of the theatre we were told to shut up and they threatened to kick us. I tried to contact the civil administration of the army to clarify the matter but the person in charge hung up on me.“
This is exactly the type of unnecessary and mind-boggling violence that occurs on a daily basis and which brings up the many debates surrounding the level and type of resistance necessary in the face of such unrestrained and inexcusable Israeli action.
Last week I posted an article I wrote about the Freedom Theatre while reporting on a discussion held during AIC’s Culture is Resistance! week earlier this month. Five actors from both the Yes Theatre in Hebron and the Freedom Theatre in Jenin discussed the role that theatre plays in resistance. One of the actors had spent seven years as a freedom fighter before joining the Freedom Theatre. At the end of his story, he touched on the issue of resistance saying that for Palestinians, any form of resistance is necessary.
During this same discussion a debate broke out between the men, dividing them between those who did not necessarily support violence, but were not opposed to it and those who were vehemently against it. Both sides included individuals who had fought in the Intifadas.
This is an issue that most internationals and many human rights activists find unsettling. While wholly supportive of the Palestinian cause, they deplore any discussion of violence on the part of Palestinians and are far more sympathetic to Palestinians who embrace nonviolence. In short, they prefer the Martin Luther King Jr. camp to the Malcolm X camp.
I haven’t spoken with anyone who wants to put themselves at risk or be engaged in violent struggle, but it has become clear to me that you can only turn the other cheek so many times before you find yourself spinning in circles. When someone hits you repeatedly, it is not enough simply to raise your arms in defense. The urge to strike back is human and inevitable. You do whatever you think is necessary to make it stop. But is it possible to deplore violence while still accepting that sometimes it is a bitter but necessary part of struggle?
Though it is clear that the Palestinians have little to gain in violent resistance–Israel has the upper hand in every sense of the word– it is exceptionally difficult to compartmentalize resistance into acceptable and unacceptable forms when you are in the midst of it.
The Palestinians do not always have the luxury of a philosophic debate on the subject. They do what anyone in their situation would do, they react in a form that best ensures their survival. Most of what Palestinians do is nonviolent resistance. Their lives are demolished, and they fight back, not by shooting, but by rebuilding.
However you don’t often hear about it. You hear of the rocket attacks, the suicide bombing, the bulldozer attacks. All deplorable, but put within the context of daily home demolitions, unwarranted arrests, vague prison sentences, bombings, checkpoints, humiliation, beatings, and violence coming at you from every side, you begin to see things in a slightly different light. Palestinians do not want violent resistance, but many feel that they are not in a position to exclude it from their struggle.
Every week peaceful demonstrations are held across the West Bank. The IDF fires tear gas canisters, rubber bullets, live ammunition into the crowd. They shove, smack, and arrest protestors. When they respond violently to nonviolent resistance, they provoke a reaction which is then used to justify their force. Nine times out of ten that reaction never happens. Nobody hears about those cases.
They never hear about the Palestinians sitting in jail for months on end for attending a protest against a wall that is illegal by international law. They do not hear about the activists deported and banned from Israel and– consequently the oPt– for years. They do not hear about the daily demolitions nor do they hear about the thousands of Palestinians standing in line for hours at checkpoints waiting for an Israeli soldier to look at their papers and tell them whether or not they can go from one point to another on their own land. They do not hear about the Israeli government suing the impoverished Bedouin communities in the Jordan Valley for the costs incurred when the IDF repeatedly demolishes their homes. They do not hear about the settlers throwing rocks at children or the IDF forcefully defending an illegal outpost that is nothing more than a battered tent set up by settlers to commandeer Palestinian land.
So when a Palestinian says resistance, in any form, is necessary, the international community–including sympathetic supporters–cluck their tongues and immediately take a step back. They want it to be a black and white issue, but given our history of change through revolution, is that realistic? If the opportunity for peaceful resistance is denied, what is the alternative? The issue of resistance is one that is divisive, both within Palestinian society and outside of it. However when nonviolent forms of resistance, such as the Freedom Theatre in Jenin, are attacked and its members arrested and taken to undisclosed locations, the debate is renewed. If Israel will not distinguish between nonviolent and violent resistance, should the Palestinians?
In a recent post, I mentioned drafting a letter to Obama in my head. A few of you expressed a wish to read that letter so I decided to include it in this post:
President Obama,
In many respects it feels futile to write this, mostly because I know this will never reach your hands, but also because it’s all too easy for me to sit here and comfortably criticize everything I feel powerless to change.
There was a time when I wanted to work for the U.S. Department of State. Just prior to my second visit to Israel and Palestine, I applied for an internship position with the Conflict Prevention Office, my dream job. Though I was a staunch critic of U.S. Foreign Policy, the ideals of my country burned brightly within me and I felt sure I would find some small glint of those ideals within the political spectrum of U.S. involvement. Mid-way through my stay in the region, I was offered the position. I had just come home from visiting the sites of recently demolished Palestinian homes in East Jerusalem. I turned down the internship. It was a matter of conscience. I could not in good faith pour my energy and soul into a government that sacrifices democracy for diplomacy and allows its ideals to become tattered remnants under the banner of an allied force.

As the international community is preparing itself for the next chapter of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, a chapter which the United States is decidedly against, I am sitting in Beit Sahour watching the Israeli settlements expand before my very eyes, gazing in disgust at the wall separating Bethlehem from Jerusalem. This wall, built by American tax dollars, has successfully kept Palestinians from entering Israel, but it has not been as successful at keeping Israeli settlers out of the West Bank.
Last week I sat on a rock in the Hebron Hills watching a Palestinian boy no older than my little brother drive his family’s sheep onto a piece of land they had not been able to access for 10 years because of the insensibility and fickleness of Israeli military law. While my brother is playing Dodgeball at recess, this boy is ducking the rocks and gunfire of aggressive and violent Israeli settlers. When the Israeli Defense Forces show up to escort us off the land, I look at him over my shoulder and my heart heaves. He can’t be more than 12 and already he has seen the very worst of human nature, every humanitarian law has failed him.
In my moments of frenzied emotion, I question why the U.S. supports these atrocities or why they even happen at all. Settlers attack Palestinian children, the IDF responds violently to nonviolent protests, human rights activists are imprisoned, homes are demolished under unscrupulous legal pretexts, land is seized, water is denied, children are arrested and imprisoned, and throughout it all the U.S. stands hopelessly by, warning Israel with one hand and handing over weapons with the other.
U.S. politicians like Mike Huckabee and pundits such as Glenn Beck come to Israel and declare in noble tones of the struggle Israel faces. They say nothing of the struggle on the other side of the wall. They see only the imperfect picture painted by the hands of Israel’s right-wing politicians. The dust from the demolition of Palestinian homes never mars their perfect vision of Israel’s “struggle.”
The U.S. repeatedly succumbs to Netanyahu’s obstinate refusal to cease and desist with illegal settlements. It stands alongside Israel as it curbs the basic human rights of Palestinians and tramps doggedly upon the efforts of Israeli, Palestinian and international activists trying to promote some semblance of justice and reason.
Mr. President, Palestinian civilians and international activists, your own citizens included, are being abused by an oppressive force and your response is to tell them to leave well enough alone? I will not. I cannot. Imbibing citizens with an education that promotes thoughts of freedom, equality, and compassion has its repercussions.
The U.S. and the international community encourage tolerance. Would you have asked the same of the U.S. slaves in their shackles? Would you have asked Martin Luther King Jr. to beg his fellow countrymen to tolerate the lynching, the discrimination, and the violence? Would you have asked the Native Americans to tolerate the brutal massacres and marches that tore them from their land? Do not speak to me of tolerance, Mr. President. Speak to me of justice and something more worth tolerating.
The Israeli government allows construction materials into Gaza only to destroy the infrastructure these meager supplies provide. Gazans spend 8 hours of the day without power, hospitals have not received supplies since February, and the promised Rafah crossing is still impossibly shut. This is a situation which calls for radical action and yet those ready and willing to do so are treated as culprits, accused of aiding and abetting terrorism against Israel.
The U.S. Department of State requests those wanting to send humanitarian aid to use the appropriate channels–as if a blockade were an appropriate situation–and then warns the Palestinians not to undermine the peace process by applying to the UN for membership and recognition. The corpse of the peace process is rotting on the negotiation table and still you insist there is a way to revive it. But you will not call a doctor. You stare at it, suggesting things that might be done, but no action is taken and now it is much too late. If the U.S. is truly concerned about peace, it should remove itself as mediator and place a more objective and accountable force in its stead.
As a political analyst I fully understand the implications of upsetting an ally such as Israel and I understand the diplomatically sensitive position of the U.S., but as someone who grew up declaring daily allegiance to the ideals of “liberty and justice for all,” I cannot ignore the injustice here simply because it falls in line with U.S. political interests. In his famous speech, Arafat implored the international community to choose the olive branch over the gun. At the rate Israel is demolishing Palestinian olive groves, the extension of the olive branch will soon be as physically impossible as it is metaphorically.
The apathy of good men is a terrible thing, but it seems far worse to know what is right, to declare yourself in accord with it, and yet to persist in actively supporting the actions which undermine everything of which you have spoken. As long as the U.S. persists in endorsing unjust Israeli policy, it is endorsing the violation of both humanitarian law and democratic principle.
Mr. Obama, the U.S. has declared itself as keeper of the peace process, but the lamb has been left to the wolf’s care, and would-be shepherds are beaten away by American-made guns. How much longer will we have to wait for the U.S. to take a stand that is not directly inbetween what needs to be done and those trying to do it?
Originally published on the AIC website. During AIC’s Culture is Resistance Week, five Palestinian actors discuss the role of theatre in resisting Israel’s oppression, and how they chose this path of national and personal liberation.
Mustafa, a Palestinian filmmaker, sits flanked by two actors from Jenin’s Freedom Theatre. They lean comfortably into their chairs, their arms draped casually across each other’s shoulders.
“We don’t see any other meaning of theatre,” Mustafa begins in response to the question of theatre as resistance. “It’s all based on resistance. For us it’s a need, an absolute need. There is nothing for the children to do. No school, no education. Our culture is targeted by the Israeli occupation.”
On 6 July, during the second evening of the AIC Culture is Resistance! Week, individuals from the Freedom Theatre in Jenin Refugee Camp and the Yes Theatre in Hebron met with internationals and Palestinians to discuss the importance of theatre as a form of resistance.
Founded by Arna Mer Khamis during the First Intifada, the Freedom Theatre has been destroyed and rebuilt multiple times. After the Second Intifada her son, Juliano Mer Khamis, came back to direct the organization his mother had founded. He lived and worked in the refugee camp until his assassination earlier this year by an as of yet unknown gunman.
Mahmoud, on Mustafa’s right, fought for seven years before putting down his M-16 to join the theatre. To Mustafa’s left, a former drug dealer. “These two were the worst boys you could imagine,” he says. Now they are actors and role models. In 2008 they traveled to Germany to perform the play “Fragments of Palestine.”
Mustafa continues, “We used to take tanks as taxis. This is how our mentality is destroyed by the occupation. In the theatre we are starting with the destroyed mind of a Palestinian child. Juliano…he recognized this and began to address the problems of the occupation by focusing on the inside of the person.”
Raed Shiokhi of the Yes Theatre, founded in 2008, drops his hands between his knees and leans forward. “A man without hope is a dangerous man. This is what I always used to say.” Raed, active during the First Intifada, was seriously injured in 1988. After losing two of his best friends in the conflict, Raed considered becoming a suicide bomber. “I had no job, barely finished school, no hope, no security…I tried to join religious groups, to convince them to take me, but nobody cared about me.”
In 1997 a friend working in the Palestinian Ministry of Culture convinced him to try acting. “There I discovered I am valuable and that life deserves to be lived.” After 14 years of working as an actor, Raed stresses the importance of working with children and involving them in theatre programs. “Theatre is a form of education and emotional management. It teaches them to use the theatre instead of the gun.”
Here there is an interjection. “We cannot say instead of the gun. It is beside the gun. We can show people an alternative form of resistance, but we are not here to tell them which forms of resistance to choose.”
Mohammed Issa from the Yes Theatre responds that the theatrical movement in Palestine began in the 1920s and that a renaissance of the theatrical movement occurred in 1967. “Theatre is one of the most important tools to resist…We use theatre to promote the message of the Palestinian people.” He goes on to explain the delicate balance between funding and theatre. “Mix money with creativity, and be sure you will lose a lot of things.”
However all of the men agree that theatre in Palestine is not simply about resisting the occupation or portraying the plight of the Palestinian people. It is also an important medium to address difficult themes within Palestinian society. “There are no limits in front of you,” Mustafa explains. “On stage you can talk about homosexuality or women’s sexuality.” It is a place to deal with issues that are not openly discussed. The Freedom Theatre in particular has come under the wrath of a more conservative culture and some artists take to the stage at personal risk.
The evening ends with a humorous skit portraying a Palestinian going through a checkpoint. The audience laughs as a half-naked actor stands in front of a perfect portrayal of an Israeli soldier; the aviator sunglasses, the waving of his gun, and the refusal to speak unless shouting orders. He snatches the hat off of the Palestinian. “Not like this,” the actor portraying the Palestinian shouts. “If you want me to remove my hat, you ask me. I will do it.” The soldier kicks him back through the metal detector.
Throughout the evening, theatre weaves its way in and out of the personal stories of these five men. Earlier Mustafa translated the story of Mahmoud and how he went from a freedom fighter to the Freedom Theatre.
But now Mahmoud addresses the crowd in English.
“We [Palestinians] believe in all forms of resistance. A kid throwing a stone. We believe in him. A man with a gun. We believe in him. Man with pen and paper. We believe in him. For seven years I was a fighter with a gun. Now I am a fighter on stage.”
Standing on the hilltop we hear the goat herder before we see him. The voice of a young boy, 11 or 12 perhaps, whooping and hollering to urge his goats forward and onto the grazing land his family has been unable to access for the past 10 years. After a long battle, Israeli activists and lawyers have won the support of the Israeli High Court and these Palestinian shepherds are once more reunited with their land. A small victory, but a victory nonetheless.

Nestled snugly between settlements, the shepherds are often harassed and driven off the land by aggressive settlers. At 6:30 a.m I join a group of Israeli and international activists and drive to the Hebron hills to participate in weekly activities that support Palestinians facing harassment from Israeli settlers in the West Bank.
Shoving the goats aside, a young boy approaches me. “What’s your name?” His sole English phrase. I reply with one of my few Arabic phrases and ask him his. Mahmoud points at my camera. Snapping a photo of him, we shield our eyes from the sun to see how it turns out. He smiles shyly before his mother calls him to help. Just above us clouds of dust roll forward before dissipating into the hills to reveal an IDF jeep.
Three jeeps and 12 soldiers cluster together. There is a discussion with the organizer and we are asked to leave as this land is designated for Palestinians only. We retreat to a nearby hill where we can still keep an eye on things. The IDF remain. The police show up to investigate, but retreat without asking anything.
After a few hours we trek to a nearby cluster of tents and rubble to help move rocks. A few tents are perched above the remains of houses that have been demolished multiple times by the IDF, who say the Palestinians build there without the necessary permits. These permits are almost never issued so Palestinians often build anyway or live in caves and tents. The hypocrisy of it is almost too much to bear as the Israeli settlements surrounding these “illegal” Palestinian homes seem to expand by the minute.
It’s dusty and hot and we carry buckets of rocks to an older man who dumps them near the entrance of a cave where his wife sits making tea for us. There is no running water and she carries a bucket from the bright yellow water tankers sitting along the outskirts of their community. Little girls in brightly colored clothing hover near the outside of a beige tent peering at us intently and bursting into giggles when we say something to them in English. Another IDF jeep appears on the ridge, but does not venture into the community.
After a few hours and many buckets of rocks, we stop for lunch. Sitting on a rock eating falafel and squinting into the scorching sun, I draft a letter in my head to Obama. It’s a letter I know that I will never send, but I write it anyway. As a political analyst, I understand why Obama bows consistently to the pressure of Netanyahu, I understand why the U.S. turns a blind eye to the oppression here and why this perpetual suffering is not only allowed but tacitly endorsed. However my heart does not. It will never understand this mess. In this respect I am naive. I am naive and idealistic to believe it is morally unsound to enable the suffering of millions to preserve a political and economic alliance.
The overseeing of justice falls once more on the shoulders of activists as politicians continue to sacrifice democracy for diplomacy. Dozens of unarmed activists, American and Israeli, stand their ground against soldiers outfitted in part by U.S. tax dollars. This is the visible discrepancy between what the U.S. is and what it should be.
Surrounded by Israeli activists taking enormous personal risk and facing increasing threats in the form of an anti-boycott bill passed by the Knesset last week, their dedication strikes a chord within me. The soldiers push us back as we approach an illegal Israeli outpost, a tent set up by the settlers on Palestinian land to claim it.
Watching the IDF defend this outrageous illegal activity, I realize that as afraid as I am of being considered irrational or of losing credibility by taking a strong stance, I am more afraid of living in a world where the greed of a few and the complacency of a few more oppresses and impoverishes millions. Three jeeps and dozens of heavily armed soldiers escort us off the land as three settlers stand in the distance overlooking the scene.
Yesterday my colleague and I spent the day in the Jerusalem office, covering the phones and trying to find out as much information as possible about the 700 international activists participating in the Welcome to Palestine campaign.
Visitors, volunteers, and activists wanting to get into the West Bank are obliged to lie about their activities while going through Israeli airport security or risk being questioned extensively or deported. It’s considered another form of the blockade on both Gaza and the West Bank, restricting the movements of goods and people not just between Israel and the oPt, but also within the oPt itself. In the West Bank it’s estimated that there are over 700 checkpoints and road blocks. Some of them are minor inconveniences while others like “The Container” checkpoint between Bethlehem and Ramallah are notoriously tedious.
The idea behind this campaign was to invite around 1000 internationals to visit the West Bank for 10 days to do a tour of the region, participate in educational activities, and learn more about nonviolent resistance in Palestine. The catch is that instead of lying while going through Israeli airport security, they would tell officials their true intentions: to visit Palestine.
At 4:00 in the morning, unable to sleep, I scanned my e-mail and found the first press release. Already Israeli authorities had sent blacklists to airlines, alerting them of those individuals who would be refused entry into Israel. Lufthansa, EasyJet, Malev, Alitalia and Air France subsequently prevented hundreds of European activists from boarding planes to Tel Aviv. Protests and demonstrations took place in airports and other locations across Europe. In Paris, the riot police were sent to quell the “uprising.”
Those activists who were able to board their planes met with quite a scene upon their arrival. At least two EasyJet flights from Rome and Geneva were surrounded immediately by Israeli airport security and special forces units. Suspected activists were removed from the plane and taken to a separate terminal for screening. One woman was reportedly violently arrested when she resisted.
At least six Israeli activists were arrested at Ben Gurion airport when crowds showed up to welcome and support activists. As of right now it’s difficult to say how many activists were able to get through. We know at least 6 have been deported while 65 more are sitting in detention centers. Hundreds more were prevented from boarding flights.
In spite of this and in spite of the fact that Israeli police are calling the Israeli response a success, it’s hard to see it as a campaign failure for activists. If Israel had simply let the activists through, they would have toured the region, returned home and that would have been the end of the story. Nobody would have cared to report it. As it is, I have to admit I am discontent with the apathetic coverage of this situation in U.S. media not to mention disappointed with the role the U.S. has taken in preventing the flotilla to Gaza from departing Greece. Department of State spokesperson Victoria Nuland urged those interested in helping Gaza to send humanitarian aid “through appropriate channels.” When asked which channels the U.S. deemed appropriate, she mentioned that Israel is now allowing more goods into Gaza and that the Rafah crossing into Egypt has been opened.
First off, the Rafah crossing is a passenger crossing. It’s not open for goods and despite Egypt’s promises, it’s barely open for passengers. Secondly, this has never been about humanitarian aid. The U.S. boat to Gaza, The Audacity of Hope, is not even carrying goods…only letters of support from the American people. This is about ending the blockade. It’s about ensuring that the Palestinian people are not caught in the cross-fire (political or otherwise) of Hamas and Western governments.
Israel has long touted itself as the only democracy in the region, but after a week of covering home demolitions, well demolitions, multiple arrest of minors, settler violence…and then witnessing the mass deportation of nonviolent activists, it’s hard to see it as such.
Some say, “Go home. This is not your concern.” But when I see empty bullet casings stamped with the words “Made in U.S.A,” I can’t help but feel that this is very much my concern.
I get up at 5:00 in the morning to go running, at a time when the night air is still lingering gently along the outskirts of town. The farmers and shepherds gaze at me curiously, but with nothing else in their gaze beyond mild bemusement. Beit Sahour, just down the road from Bethlehem, is teeming with internationals. This predominantly Christian community is used to the strange antics of Westerners and though they might raise an eyebrow, running for the sake of running is only considered a strange habit. I run in a baggy long-sleeved shirt and pants. I wrap a bandana over my hair, but not for modesty’s sake. It is only to keep the sweat from pouring into my eyes. Even at 5:00 a.m., the heat is beginning to settle and I can feel it pushing down uncomfortably.

Bethlehem and surrounding area is not a rural village beset with the rusting tin roofs and mud-encrusted donkeys of endangered Bedouin camps scattered across the Jordan Valley. Though a far cry from the big city of Ramallah, Bethlehem harbors cafes, restaurants, shopping areas, and clubs. The university sits high on a hill and the roads snaking down into the valley are crowded with students, international volunteers, and tourists. English, Spanish, French, Italian, and German are frequently heard drifting among the old beige stones of the city center.
The signs of occupation here are more subtle. Unfinished buildings, rubble from a house demolition, pockets of trash collecting in the gutter, the silhouette of the wall making its way along the hills, and the settlements built neatly at the ends of beautifully paved roads. Sometimes at night an Israeli vehicle rolls through. Just two weeks ago in a neighboring village, two minors were allegedly pulled from their homes in the dead of the night. An increasingly frequent activity of the IDF that is against both international and Israeli law.

Hebron and East Jerusalem are tense pockets of tightly coiled conflict. You can feel the occupation weighing down heavily and resistance feels ready to spring at every corner. At the moment, Bethlehem is not like this. Sitting at CaféSima you would not think this is a country under military occupation. Small groups sit crowded around tables scattered on the patio you can find on the The Patio Pro Furniture Reviews. Sima and her family bustle around tables, hefting trays weighed down with chocolate cupcakes, iced coffee, fresh lemonade. The sun is setting and the call to prayer erupts from a nearby minaret. Taxis honk as they zip past pedestrians standing idly in front of small shops where everything from checkered keffiyeh to freshly slaughtered sheep swing gently from the awnings. A young man in a white KIA blares his music at the stop sign, waiting for a lull in the traffic before forcing his car into the steady trickle of commuters.
It is hard to believe that less than 1 kilometer away there is a wall, dividing families, homes and land. Where soldiers sit in watch towers gazing out over the Palestinians standing in line to make the tedious and humiliating crossing into Jerusalem.

If you could see inside the minds of these people, you would see the faces of relatives cast in prison with no trial and no official charges. You would see memories of staccato gunfire, military imposed curfews, and tanks rolling ruthlessly over the rubble of a town rebuilt too many times.
But you can’t see all of this. You sit and watch these people laughing uproariously and gesturing wildly as an argila bubbles softly in the corner, its perfumed smoke settling into the upholstery of low-lying couches and you forget that most of these people have lost someone close to them at the hands of war. You forget that they are shut into an ever-dwindling space, that settlers throw rocks at their children, push them off their family land, and demolish their homes, that they are denied the most basic of human rights, and that all of them know what it is to be under house arrest or to be pulled aside at a checkpoint because a soldier is bored or offended by the very fact that they are Palestinian.
Casually in conversation a friend mentions that he cannot go out tonight because he must join his family on the outskirts of town to prevent settlers from encroaching on their family land. Another friend points to some low-lying bushes and mentions the time she and her brother hid there to escape the notice of soldiers imposing curfew. There are tours where you can visit demolished homes, see uprooted olive trees, and walk through the settlements encroaching on Palestinian land, but the deepest scars of the occupation are carved into the people, not into the land. Horrific memories stitched indelibly into the core of their being. It is impossible to see this and consequently all too easy to overlook.
The Alternative Information Center is a joint Israeli-Palestinian activist organization focused on political advocacy, grassroots activism and an end to occupation. Here you find news of resistance within Israeli society, settler violence against Palestinians, the economy of oppression, and the daily struggle to carve out a life within the fissures of a long-standing conflict.
It is within this organization that I am beginning to find my place. After my morning run where I keep an eye out for wild dogs and taxis zipping too quickly around the corners, I head to the office. There is a portable stove with two gas burners. It’s a daunting nest of wires and cables and the knob to turn on the gas is broken. We use a spoon to turn the switch and there is a whoosh as the flames spring forward, licking the sides of the coffee pot. I suppress the urge to make the sign of the cross every time I light this contraption. Boiling the coffee 7 times for good luck (Hey, it can’t hurt…) I set it on a tray amongst an array of mismatched cups and carry it downstairs to offer my colleagues coffee.
Then I scan the news. I start with the BBC and move to the Christian Science Monitor, the New York Times and the International Herald. From there I check Reuters, the Jerusalem Post, Haaretz, Arutz 7, Ma’an, Electronic Intifada and the Palestinian News Network. I’m looking for stories and information to fill in the gaps between what I glean from the ground.
There is no water again. Why? An impromptu checkpoint has been set up just out of town. Why? Internationals are no longer able to board the bus to Jerusalem from Beit Jala. Why? Two Palestinian minors were arrested and detained last night. Why? The IDF has destroyed wells in Hebron. Why? The settlement across the valley is expanding. Why? The talks have been derailed again? Why?
As a child I was under the impression that I could dig to China. I set about with a plastic shovel and began digging in the sandbox of my school’s playground. I felt that if I could just dig a little deeper, a tunnel would appear before me and I would tumble through and land in China. Only that didn’t happen. Instead I hit a wall, a layer of cement. It is the same thing here. I keep digging and digging, believing that at some point I will come through the other side. Instead I hit walls of every form imaginable.
Every day I face an inner struggle to keep moving forward and to continue as undaunted as when I first began. Every day I learn a little bit more about journalism and about finding that line between the truth and personal safety. My own and that of those around me. Every day I become a little more exasperated with ideological extremists and a little bit more enamored with the hopeful idealists.
And I ask myself, why have I chosen such an impossible situation to muddle through? I can’t answer that. I didn’t choose this place. I fell into it and when I tried to pack it away neatly under “interesting academic experiences abroad,” I could not.
I look at my colleagues furiously typing away or conducting loud conversations on the phone, cups of coffee and ashtrays litter their desks and plumes of smoke curl lazily toward the ceiling. They are Palestinians who are clinging to this land as daily oppression beats their hands away. They are Israelis refusing the complacency of a life that does not question what happens on the other side of the wall. They are Italians, French, Americans, and British who have somehow ensnared themselves in this beautiful and tragic place. Perhaps they came out of curiosity or a desperate attempt to fix a problem they feel partially responsible for. We reach through the barbed wire hoping to clamp down on some elusive symbol of peace. A dove, a rainbow, an olive branch. Something to assure us that the end of checkpoints, fear, and degradation is nearer than we think.
But as we tumble our languages together over yet another cup of coffee, we realize that the English word for the bird of peace is too similar to the Italian word for “where.” Dove. Dove (do-vay). One subtle flick of the tongue is the difference between finding peace and searching for it, reminding us that what works on paper does not always correspond to reality.
A slight breeze ruffles the stagnant summer air that has settled heavily into our office space. I found a powdered mix of Oregon Chai sitting neglected on a dusty shelf in the market across the street and I am happy to relish the creature comfort of sipping out of a normal-sized mug. The minuscule cups of Arabic coffee are perfect for a social gathering, but I am habituated to the American ritual of sitting down to work with a gargantuan mug of coffee…or in this case Oregon Chai. I’ll take what I can get.
Saturday morning and not many people are in the office. The Palestinian weekend is often split in order to accommodate both Muslims and Christians. Last night there was a big party on the rooftop of a colleague’s house. Palestinians, French, Italians, Spanish, Irish, British, Mexicans and Americans buzz excitedly, the rising crescendo of conversation throws words down onto the street and passerby’s catch snippets of dialogue: “referendum” “revolution” “civil resistance” “checkpoint” and “soldier.” We are a motley crew of global citizens, but we all have a passion for politics and peace. It’s what brought us stumbling into this place. And now we reinforce those ideals over an array of Palestinian salads and Taybeh beer.
The past week has found me quietly stepping into the swing of things. I know the toll this place can take on a person’s well-being and I give myself more space than necessary, careful to allow myself the chance to process the overwhelming frustration I feel while going through checkpoints and to cry the tears I choke back in public.
I rise every morning at 5:00 a.m. to go for my daily run through the hills of Beit Sahour. The desert hills, the scrubby vegetation, the roosters crowing, and the donkeys leaning lazily against wooden posts are the only witnesses to my morning ritual. I release my fury by sprinting up hills. In the evening I sit quietly on the roof of my apartment building and scan myself for any unprocessed emotion. Exasperated by the leering and heckling of Palestinian boys? Disgusted by the disgraceful behavior of a rude soldier? Shocked by the extreme hatred of a settler? Grateful for the hug of a friend? Or maybe just irritated by the incessant cigarette smoke.
For me, actively processing these emotions is a necessary part of thriving here. It is too exhausting to passively ride the waves of buried frustration or to be swept away by the sudden tsunamis of fury and sadness.
The normal stress of living in a different country is compounded by the fact that internationals (particularly Americans) often arrive armed only with optimism and an innocent faith in a non-existent justice system. We arrive here eager to help, but ill-equipped to process life under an oppressive military rule. Some adapt, some can’t wait to get out, and some fall to pieces.
Me? I run, write, and reach out. Those are my “three R’s” to maintaining my peace of mind. I know I will have my days of crumpling sadness and impassioned frustration, but this time I am prepared and will not be caught off-guard. Sometimes it’s enough just to slip into the air-conditioned haven of CaféSima in Bethlehem. Chocolate cupcakes, iced lattes and sympathetic conversation can work wonders.
Other times I indulge in some outrageously expensive American import (Arizona Green Tea, anyone?) and spend the evening trying to load Golden Girls on YouTube. If it gets really bad, I retain the option to retreat to Tel Aviv (The Bubble) or Eilat. Two Israeli cities so (psychologically) far removed from the conflict that if it weren’t for the occasional sight of a soldier casually slinging an M-16 over his shoulder as he boards a bus, life would feel almost normal.
It’s been a year and a half since I left the West Bank after living and working there for 6 months. As I prepare to head back to Bethlehem to work with the Alternative Information Center as an AP peace fellow, my mind pulls images from various scenes of my last visit. Waiting outside my apartment for the Arab-Israeli taxi that will take me through the checkpoint and into Jerusalem, my host family stands around my packed bags as my host mother scurries around trying to fit a few more items into my carry-on: the Arabic coffee I love, some Palestinian pastries, a bag of spices. I hug my friends good-bye and tell them I will see them again. Inshallah, they say. God-willing.
Standing in line at the Ben Gurion airport, an Israeli soldier approaches me for the initial screening questions. She carefully examines my passport, asking me questions about how long I’ve been in Israel and what I’ve been doing. She closes my passport.
“Have you been to the West Bank?”
Images of my host family flash through my head.
“Just to Bethlehem. To visit.”
We stare at each other for a few moments. My heart is thudding in my chest. I have the names and addresses of all of my Israeli friends in my pocket. Just in case. But she hands me my passport, and motions for me to get back in line. They conduct a routine search of my luggage, pulling each item out one by one before I am allowed to retrieve my boarding pass.
As the plane lifts up above Tel Aviv, I look at the lights scattered along the coast and reaching out toward the hills, imagining that I can see Jerusalem and just beyond that– Bethlehem. The desert hills are bathed in moonlight as they exude a peace their inhabitants have rarely known.
Now as I pack my bags to return to Tel Aviv and then onto Bethlehem, I set aside the contact information of my friends in Israel and carefully scan every item of my luggage looking for anything that might trigger the suspicion of an Israeli soldier.
I am eager to be heading back. I am fond of both Israel and the West Bank which sometimes puts me in awkward situations at dinner tables on both sides. Living in the West Bank naturally inspired a certain amount of bias as I lived the occupation day in and day out. The unpleasant encounters I had with ideological settlers and IDF soldiers left a bitter taste in my mouth. Nonetheless I was fortunate enough to work for a joint organization and had the opportunity to spend a fair amount of time in Israel. Working with Friends of the Earth Middle East introduced me to many amazing Israelis, Palestinians, and Jordanians who are working together to protect their environmental resources.
As I spent more and more time in Israel, it became increasingly difficult to take sides. How could I begin to negotiate my way through such a complicated set of extremes? The hatred I experienced from Israeli settlers in Hebron versus the thoughtfulness and selflessness of the many Israelis I knew who were working toward peace. Or when the rocket attacks of Hamas militants stood in stark contrast to the grace, generosity, and patience of my Palestinian friends and colleagues? There is no way to negotiate through this complicated mire of humanity and come out with a neat picture that makes international policy simple and a peace agreement within easy reach. There is no way to paint a picture where violence makes sense and losses are easily assuaged. Grief paints the same face the world over.
In an area of deeply embedded allegiances, I developed even more respect for the Israelis and Palestinians choosing to fight for peace at the risk of being considered a traitor or a coward.
This time around, though I will be again residing in Beit Sahour, I am determined to draw more connections between the Israeli and Palestinian activists. I am looking forward to spending as much time as possible following the revolutionaries and peace activists in Israel. The refuseniks–or conscientious objectors– for example have piqued my interest and I want to know more about the teenagers in this video. Are the numbers of Israeli conscientious objectors increasing or have they stayed the same or decreased even? What is their life like in Israel after they refuse to serve? What did their families and friends say? Do they regret their decision or stand by it just as firmly as before?
There are so many different angles and sides to this conflict, and yet it seems that we only ever see the same stereotyped portrayals again and again and again. The AIC is one organization trying to change that, and I’m excited to be a part of it.
Recently, I attended a two day conference, organized by AWN and another organization, Equality for Peace and Development, EPD, and convened by over one hundred women activists from across Afghanistan. The conference took place last weekend, ahead of this past Tuesday’s Kabul Conference. Its organization was prompted by women concerned about being overlooked and ignored by the Kabul Conference as well as the over all Afghanistan Peace and Reintegration Program. Women in Afghanistan are worried their rights sit on the trading block as the Afghan government attempts to make its way toward a peace settlement.
In response to the blatant exclusion of women from yet another international conference on Afghanistan, the women’s conference provided a forum in which women from across the country joined hands in voicing not only concerns, needs, and priorities, but also that without thought to women’s role in peace building, Afghanistan will never rise on its feet.
The women came with serious concerns and criticisms of the current state of affairs in not just the country, but in provinces, cities, and villages from which they hail. Many were skeptical over the words of certain ministers who spoke on the panels, and they posed tough questions and tougher criticisms against the government’s handling of many issues.
They called on the Afghan government and the international community to remember Afghan women both in the decisions made on peace, and to give due space for them to voice their concerns and ideas on the road ahead. Activists want a real commitment made to the women of Afghanistan in order to move forward toward any peace and security.
I should point out that several leading documents signed by the Afghan government protect women’s rights and support economic empowerment of women, including the National Action Plan for Women of Afghanistan (NAPWA), the Afghan Constitution, and the Afghan National Development Strategy (ANDS). Women have also contributed to a number of international forums, including the Dubai Women Dialogue (January 2010), Civil Society Conference in London, Afghan Women’s Forum, and Role of Women in the Peace Jirga (May 2010).
Despite this degree of presence on the international and national scene, women are shut out of the decision-making and policy creation that goes on in other areas but especially in building an inclusive peace settlement with warring parties, the government, and Afghan society. Women’s achievements still stand in contrast to the violence, discrimination, and intimidation many face, due both to endemic cultural practices and to the conflict that contributes severely to the terrible plight of women in Afghanistan. They continue to face tenuous circumstances and in many parts of the country continue to bear the brunt of the upheavals and brutality of the conflict.
A new report finds that women face terror and repression in areas that have been recaptured by the Taliban. And while they account for approximately 48% of the Afghan population, women are also often ignored or treated with extreme caution by policy makers. International and national policy makers often ignore or treat with little regard commitments such as tenets of the Afghan Constitution supporting women’s inclusion, and priorities set in ANDS and NAPWA.
Furthermore, while international and Afghan policy makers and governments speak on behalf of women when it suits their agenda, adequate inclusion of women in international and national forums still has much to be desired. Women have been ignored at every international conference on Afghanistan, and the Kabul Conference was no different.
Activists were not shy to say they were ignored by national and international decision-makers. Suraya Pakzad, founder of Voice of Women of Afghanistan (VWO)in Herat, and an AWN member, spoke plainly, “We have not been consulted… we want to be involved in the policy making. We do not just want to have our presence serve purely as a symbol”.
The two-day women’s conference focused on women’s role in peace building and reintegration, discussion of the follow up of First Women’s Council recommendations on NAPWA as an important benchmark in achieving women’s development, and place reflection and consensus on Afghan women’s concerns, needs, and priorities for the outcomes of the Kabul Conference. At the end, it produced a conference statement with key recommendations on five governance cluster areas – agriculture and rural development, human resource, economic and infrastructure development, security, and governance- to the Afghan government and other policy/decision makers present at the Kabul Conference.
By Tuesday, after intense lobbying by Afghan women’s groups, only two women beside government ministers took part in the Kabul Conference. Sima Samar, represented the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), a national human rights monitoring body, and Palwasha Hassan, an AWN member and former candidate for Minister of Women’s Affairs, represented women’s voice from Afghanistan’s slowly budding civil society.
President Karzai at the Kabul Conference also assured that in a bid to make peace with the Taliban, who had brutal policies toward both groups, the rights of women and minorities will not be undermined. Many seem to be aware that to ignore half the population in development and peace strategy will show to be detrimental to the social, political, and economic viability of the country in the end. However, with all the activism and lobbying efforts of women, the Kabul Conference produced a statement that essentially gave a nod regarding women’s rights, inclusion, and protection, but still has left a deep gap in the inclusion and attention to bringing women into the roles of policy and decision making, especially in terms of building peace in Afghanistan.
In Afghanistan, where they are far from respected and protected from various sorts of harm and abuse, women hold a very precarious place. In Kabul, women and girls walk about freely, commute to work in minibuses and commuter cars, and most dress in a manteau, loose pants, and scarf. Some women still wear the blue chadari (burqa); some who have returned in recent years from Iran wear the Iranian style black chadar, or those from Pakistan, wear the all-enveloping black burka worn by Pakistani, Arab, and Indian women. I see this very little however in Kabul.
While women work in a variety of professions, shopkeepers are exclusively men, or at least from what I have seen, and women who work do so in various levels of government and civil society organization or as housekeeping in these offices. Suffice it to say, the situation of middle class or educated women is wholly different from women of the rural areas or the poor. As is the case in many other countries, women in Afghanistan who are activists, who work within government or civil society, hail from the middle class.
The women’s movement in the United States was the product of activism by middle class women and the few men who chose to support them. At its first wave, it was wholly focused on suffrage (a very middle class concern in my mind), and later on equality in the workplace and in the civil/social space. Through it, all minorities and poor women were left on the margins of the women’s movement. It seems to me that similarly, in Afghanistan, the poor woman, the uneducated woman, and rural woman rarely have the chance to voice out their concerns on what are socially, politically, and economically lacking in their lives and their ideas on improvement. They certainly have voice, but we don’t hear it loud enough, and they themselves have no avenues or platforms to raise this voice.
The past decade, many in the international community have focused on “lifting the veil”, as if this is what will help Afghanistan, it’s women and its men and children. In reality, the solution to the problems here is not the veil, but the lack of development—in almost every sector of life. Two weeks ago, I attended a meeting with Ashraf Ghani along with other Afghan women activists. These women’s concerns on inclusion in the political and policy making process were met with his usual suggestions of improving the situation of the rural and poor class through education and broader inclusion in economic power.
In truth, development and so called post-conflict reconstruction in Afghanistan is a joke. Not only are the roots of conflict often ignored in policy creation, but the most significant reasons as to why young men join the insurgency in Afghanistan and why women are subjected to horrible living conditions and abuse are sidelined to be addressed at a later date. Women activists here are told by some in the international community to work for short term goals.
Again, the reality is nothing in conflict can be resolved if we simply look for quick fixes. Yes, change comes incrementally, but without a clear vision of the end goal, women activists will merely be echoes in the so-called reconstruction game being played in Afghanistan. Without concrete plans, once the international community packs up to leave Afghanistan, sooner or later, or once compromises are made in return for peace, what women have built through their own activism, and through Afghan and international support, will unravel.
A variety of women’s groups, and a few UN bodies present in Afghanistan have focused on the impact UN resolution 1325 has made in the country. As I’ve said, I’m working on compiling a report on this for AWN. Despite the ineptness of the government, and the nonchalance of the police, the situation for Afghans has become better in the past few years. Women are faring better in many ways, but also continue to face immense obstacles. While the experience of urban and rural women are certainly different, some issues remain the same across the board. I keep asking what have women really gained despite at least constitutionally being guaranteed the human rights and protections of citizenship. In real terms, there are a few programs and plans part of the Afghan government’s work. These include the National Action Plan for the Women of Afghanistan (NAPWA), specific gender components of the Afghan National Development Strategy (ANDS), as well as pro women laws like the Elimination of Violence against Afghan Women.
While abuse is universal and exists in every part of the world, the prevalence and lack of accountability attached to it vary. In Afghanistan, women and girls are guaranteed protections and rights by the Constitution, but the ignorance and nonchalance of government and police who should serve to protect effectively silence and curtail women.
To make things worse, where concerned parties should focus on is unclear or twisted with other intentions. For many outside of Afghanistan and a number within, helping Afghan women (or Pakistani, or Iranian, or Arab) consists things like ‘liberation’ and ‘lifting the veil’. This is old news to most of us. And while the United States decided to invade Afghanistan in part claiming to ‘free’ women from oppression, including being free from the now popular blue burqa, here, women don’t speak in these terms. It is not that they don’t speak of their oppression or unaware and this is why something like a scarf is not the hot topic of town. It is because they are aware of their problems that the banality of so-called feminists abroad concerned for Afghan women and their burqas that is ludicrous.
After a recent conversation with a woman I met at a meeting, I tell myself it is not freedom-from, but freedom-to that women activists are seeking in Afghanistan. The freedom –from is focused on warding off and going away from a certain sort of reality. It is focused on doing away with any and every outward aspect of society that is negative toward women. While this is good in many ways, especially on the surface, freedom to not only places the struggle of women in positive terms, it also engineers a message that says Afghan women are not against their own society or country, but are in fact for its improvement. Women’s inclusion in social and political life of the country is couched by many women here in this way. Freedom-to does not negate the fact that most women who seek changes for themselves and their sisters, mothers and daughters, (and for their society as a whole) do not at the same time cast off their religion, culture, or identity as Afghan women. They hold these aspects as important and valuable. Instead, here what freedom-to exhibits is the desire to commit a better way of life for women while clearly still a part of the society. In other words, the majority of women here are not looking to be free from wearing a headscarf. The woman’s struggle here is more for choice and voice on her own terms.
This past week I became more involved with AWN’s work on UNSCR 1325. The resolution’s ten year anniversary is October 31, 2010, and many around the world are focusing on the progress made on its commitments. UNSCR 1325 is a 2000 UN resolution focused on women, peace, and security. UNSCR 1325 reaffirms the importance of the role women can and do play in all aspects of peace (peacebuilding, peace negotiations, post-conflict reconstruction, etc.), recognizes the detrimental impact of violence and conflict on women, and urges the increased role, participation, and perspective of women in peace and security.
When the wind picks up, a fine rinse of dust covers every surface available. I pass the Kabul Polytechnic Institute, site of the recent peace jirga (jirga-ye solh) and Kabul University, an army training barracks, and dozens upon dozens of ramshackle shops selling everything from fresh baked bread to books and stationery. There is construction in many places, and the beautification of most streets rests in the hands of those living there. Rose bushes are quite abundant in many parts of the city, including traffic circles and road dividers, and in the garden of our office. I’ve begun working on compiling a report on UN Resolution 1325.
In the early morning, Kabul is on the move. Away from the news and certain circles working here, one can easily forget that there is a war still going on. But in every aspect, Afghanistan is still in conflict. The roads are full of compact cars, small and large commuter buses, police trucks, and the occasional military or Red Cross/Red Crescent vehicle. Waves of men and women head off to every level of work, in cars that climb the mostly broken, unpaved roads. Some areas are paved, and others, especially those smaller streets with homes on either side, still echo the tumult of the years of war that rocked Kabul, and the physical decay that occurs when there is bigger fish to fry.
When I arrived in Kabul last week, many roads were closed off around the city with police trucks for the peace jirga (peace council meeting). Many people I’ve talked to have looked at this attempt at reconciliation with pessimism, but there is still hope that something will give and peace will return throughout Afghanistan.
And like the city, Afghan women are on move, for their inclusion and are unwilling to let go of their rights. They are constantly pushing for more space for themselves, their sisters, mothers, and daughters. Recently, women managed to fight tooth and nail to gain and maintain a presence at the peace jirga. The Afghan Women’s Network took part in the jirga, weaving its members into the many committees and groups formed for discussion during the meeting. While what has developed as a result of this peace jirga is much to be seen, women at the jirga were at the least vocal and distinct in what they were advocating– women’s rights in the public and private, and women’s participation in peace building.
In a few days, I will be arriving in Kabul to begin work with the Afghan Women’s Network, a group I highly admire and hope to learn a great amount from and contribute whatever I can. I am hoping to gain a better understanding of what women in the general population and women activists in their work are facing in the current environment of insecurity and conflict.
I have been in touch with my main contact person from the Kabul office. We have figured out a preliminary work plan, and we will iron it all out once I’m in the country. In the meantime, I can tell you I will be assisting the advocacy department in identifying key issues that can be resolved or improved through various strategies. I will be working with AWN to organize awareness sessions on UN resolution 1325 related to women, peace, and security for AWN members; and drafting a report in Persian and English, among other responsibilities. The details of all of this will come to be much clearer in the coming weeks. In the meantime, I have been keeping up on news about Afghanistan and brushing up on Persian. The language component will no doubt come in handy as Persian is one of two official languages of Afghanistan!
I am eager to begin, after which I will have much more to tell you!
Less than a week after leaving Ramallah I am already missing Palestine. The experience was not quite as I imagined it would be, but in many ways, it was better. There are no words to quite capture exactly how much I learned, experienced and came to cherish during my time in the West Bank this summer. What I did learn, however, is that life is often more complicated that we could ever imagine and more simple that we could ever give it credit it for. This is one of many contradictions I came across these past few months in Ramallah, a land that seemed to be filled with contradictions.
More than just contradictions though, this summer was not only about learning the challenges and struggles that others faced, it also called for a heavy dose of introspection into my role as both an observer and as an Iranian-American woman living and working in the West Bank. My time in Ramallah challenged me to question my own preconceived notions about the conflict, the people and the culture I chose to become a part of for a few months over the summer. As a die-hard idealist, I was presented with the possibility that a peace where everyone could walk away happy might not be possible, not because the will does not exist, but because peace is and continues to be defined in more ways than one could possibly fathom, because peace looks different to each person sitting at the negotiating table and because sometimes we cannot erase damage that has already been done. Nevertheless, as my conflict resolution professor always says, where there is conflict, there is opportunity.
My conclusion after spending the summer in the West Bank is not that peace is not achievable, quite the contrary in fact. And while the peace that many of us “idealists” hoped would be possible may not necessarily be an option any longer, I continue to believe that peace is still attainable – that the Palestinian people along with their international and even Israeli allies will continue to advocate until they can guarantee that their children won’t be born and restricted to living in refugee camps, that they will someday be able to visit family and friends in Jerusalem without a permit, that they will no longer fear the settlers occupying their neighborhoods and that one day the world will recognize the strength and resilience of the Palestinian people not because they view them as victims, but because they view them as pillars of perseverance.
The main objective of this summer was to help tell the story of the individuals I encountered so that the world would be able to have a better sense of what is really happening so far away from the “bubble” that so many of us live in – and if even one person can walk away after reading these blogs and feel as though such enlightenment has occurred on some level, I will know the most important work has been done.
I leave you now with a small glimpse into one of my most favorite aspects of being in Ramallah: the call to prayer, which is recited on a loud speaker five times a day in line with Islamic tradition. The video is shot from outside of my apartment in Ramallah.
Hafez Omar is one of seven visual artists that helped to found Al-Mahattah Art Gallery in Ramallah. The dream team of seven started with a vision for a place where artists of all backgrounds and specializations could come together in the name of art. The gallery began a little over a year ago and has since grown into a hub of artistic culture that is slowly but surely educating both Palestinians and those in the surrounding Arab countries about the value of art in civil society. And while Hafez acknowledges that the gallery has been receiving considerable international attention in recent months, he argues that the “focus is not on the quality of Palestinian art and we are fighting strongly against this.” Wanting Palestine to hold a place on the art map of the world, Hafez states that the objective in achieving such a spot is to be recognized for the quality of art and not featured because of the hardship of their circumstances under occupation.
In the short time that Al-Mahattah has been open, Hafez notes “the gallery has made significant contributions to helping Palestinian artist improve their work through workshops, selling their art, and providing exhibitions both locally and abroad.” Moreover, through its public exhibitions it is providing Palestinians with a new and innovative way to both express themselves and to get their message out into the world.
While no one living in the West Bank would likely argue that ending the occupation is a primary priority, many would argue that equally important to ending the occupation is continuing to build civil society. Al-Mahattah is doing just that – it is providing a way for Palestinian society to progress and to communicate to the world the social, economic and political reality on the ground using art as the peaceful medium.
The past week has been filled with deep contemplation as to whether or not to write about my experience at the refugee camp in Jenin – mainly because it feels like every time I visit a new place, I return with only sad stories to tell. But the more I thought about it, the more I realized that despite the hardships (this word seems like a vast understatement) that the people of Jenin Refugee Camp have undergone, the residents of the camp represent a unique glimpse into the power of human resilience.
Upon entering the camp the first image you see is a large horse – a very artistic entrance into a seemingly grim place. But like many images here, what you see is not necessarily all there is to the story. As I came to learn, the horse is made up of scraps and pieces of cars that were blown up when the Israeli army invaded in 2002. And when you look at the right side of the horse, you are able to make out a sign that reads “ambulance” indicating that no vehicles were off limit.

The horse that is made out of scraps of vehicles that were blown up by the army during the 2002 invasion
As we continued our trek into the camp, I suddenly became staunchly aware of my own preconceived notions of what a refugee camp looks like. I imagined tents pitched everywhere, gates surrounding the compound, kids running around in scrapping clothing – basically everything you typically see on television depicting the worst conditions possible. But this camp was certainly not that. The compound where the camp is located is filled with buildings that at first glance resemble those found around the rest of the city, except they are all of almost the same identical design and are one of two colors: white or cream. The white buildings represent the buildings that have been in place since the camp was first built in 1953 while the cream buildings represent the buildings that were rebuilt after they were destroyed in 2002. The majority of buildings found in the camp are cream.

The cream buildings were rebuilt after the army leveled them in 2002
We were welcomed almost immediately by the Popular Committee for Services for Jenin Camp whom offered us warm drinks and a private showing of “Jenin Jenin,” a documentary capturing the events and testimonials of the Battle of Jenin in 2002. Although we were not able to watch the full documentary, we watched enough to see gruesome pictures of Palestinians that were caught in the cross- fire of the battle. These haunting images, which reflect real life, were the ultimate testimonial of the death and complete destruction that the camp endured only seven years ago. Moreover, the children that were present during the battle and able to survive, were severely traumatized and as the pictures they began to draw started to reflect the violent experience they had undergone, the long-term effects of the invasion slowly began to set in.

Welcome sign in the "Popular Committee for Services in Jenin Camp" office
Unfortunately, due to time constraints we were unable to delve into the history of the camp as much as we would have liked; nevertheless, it was important to me to be able to walk around the camp, even if only briefly, in order to get a better sense of the community that resides there. As we walked around the camp, we came across a group of three boys playing soccer in the street. They were not at all bothered by us (except of course for me to snap a quick picture of them) but rather fully engaged in their game of soccer. People continued to pass us on the streets with the determination of reaching an unknown destination written on their faces.
In more ways than one, the camp appeared to be a fully functioning community. And in more ways than one, one wondered how the residents have sustained a life like this for so long? All of the camp residents, close to 11,000 of them, cannot leave the camp without giving up the right to return and so they remain…..they stay in this camp waiting for an end to the occupation….for a peace to be brokered….for a chance to begin their lives once again.
I promised to offer a silver lining in this blog and so here it is: the people of Jenin Refugee Camp have endured more than I could ever attempt to relay, but on the other side of the horrific battle, the people of Jenin survived – they continued on as so many people do after serious conflicts and most importantly, they rebuilt. Of the 450 homes and business that were leveled during the battle, the people of Jenin Camp were able to replace nearly every building.
This does not in any way mean that their struggle is over or that living in a refugee camp is a sustainable way of life, but what it does mean is that the power of human resilience continues to shine through even in the darkest moments of history and offers a beam of light that refuses to be put out.

Kids from the refugee camp take a break from their soccer game to pose for the camera
Avenue, a restaurant located in the Al-Masyoun area of Ramallah, is where Alaa Abu Daqqa used to be employed, that is until the owners suddenly decided to stop paying him his salary. Alaa arrived from Egypt more than 2 years ago after one of the restaurant owners made special arrangements for him to come to Ramallah specifically for the purpose of managing Avenue restaurant. But only a month into the job, Alaa started to realize that the promise of a 3,000 NIS monthly salary and paid housing might have been too good to be true. While the owners did end up paying for housing, they neglected to pay Alaa his full salary for the first five months of employment and were able to get away with only paying him a few hundred shekels here and there.
After five months, Alaa finally began receiving his full salary but, unfortunately, it was not for long. After the owners returned to giving him arbitrary and inconsistent payments, Alaa finally made the decision to resign in May 2009. Resignation was a more than a difficult decision, it was also a big risk for Alaa because at the time, he did not have another job lined up and, more importantly, the owners had threatened to send him back to Gaza – where he is originally from. Without special permission, Gaza residents are not able to visit, much less live, in the West Bank so the threat of having to go back to Gaza meant that Alaa might not be able to come back to Ramallah. Fortunately for him, the threat never amounted to action and he was able to resign without being deported. He was not, however, able to collect the remaining amount of money owed to him by the restaurant. The outstanding balance owed to him comes to 10,000 NIS.
When Alaa demanded his remaining salary, the owners tried to negotiate by offering to give him 2,000 NIS and asking him to sign an agreement stating he would not seek any further compensation in the future. Not willing to take an 8,000 NIS loss, Alaa refused. Soon after, Alaa came to the DWRC and worked with Mohammad Amarneh, one of the lawyers here, to officially open a case in his name to begin the process of documenting the injustice.

Alaa Abu Daqqa (left) seeking legal consultation from DWRC lawyer Mohammad Amarneh (right)
It is not likely that the case will be resolved anytime soon, especially as the restaurant continues to deal with its own issues of debt; however, when asked why he decided to pursue his case despite the gloomy outlook, Alaa replied by saying that regardless of the outcome it was important to him to make sure that what happened is documented and that action in some form, is taken.
He walked in from the blazing sun and quickly wiped his brow as sweat continued to trickle down the side of his face. I asked him if he would like to join me in the kitchen as I was just finishing breakfast. We sat down and as I continued to eat I asked why he had not joined us last night, he looked at me, paused and said, “While you guys were having fun at Zan last night I was busy dealing with the [Israeli] army.” I stopped eating and looked up at him – my eyes filled with anticipation, curiosity and a definite dose of fear as to what would come next.
My friend, Shadi, is from the village of Bi’lin. Bi’lin is a small village west of Ramallah that, like Ni’lin, is well known for its weekly demonstrations. Every week without fail demonstrators come from all over the world to protest the wall and the occupation and so in response, Israeli forces have stepped up their resistance efforts to the protests. For the past few months soldiers have consistently rolled into Bi’lin around 2 AM and gone door to door looking for people (mostly men) that are on their list to arrest for their participation in the demonstrations. Ma’an Agency, a local newspaper, recently reported that Israeli soldiers are notorious for arresting people in the early AM hours in Bi’lin without giving their families any information about where they are being taken or even who they can contact to follow up. When Shadi spoke of an arrest that took place only a few weeks ago, he referred to it as a “kidnapping” – which given that no information is given to the families and that the men are literally taken from their beds, seems like an appropriate term to use.
Shadi goes home to Bi’lin every weekend to participate as an active member of the Bi’lin Popular Committee Against the Wall and Settlements and to help stand guard for when the army inevitably arrives. His committee helps to organize and collect money for those that are arrested since many of their families cannot afford the high cost of bail (typically around $250 – $1000).
There is a strong movement inside of Bi’lin that is supported by Palestinians, internationals and even some Israelis. These demonstrators continue to gather every week despite the army shooting multiple canisters of tear gas at them (at times up to 36 canisters consecutively) and hosing them with waster water (which triggers ones gag reflex upon contact). I was privy to one of these demonstrations on a recent trip I took to Bi’lin last Friday. While I decided to stay back as the crowd marched down the hill and toward what I refer to as the “front line,” I was able to see and hear them chanting “One, two, three, four – occupation no more!” After only a few moments we began hearing the sound of the tear gas canisters being shot and saw them landing a safe distance away. What I couldn’t figure out though, was why the tear gas was being shot off to our right when the crowd was directly in front of us? We quickly came to learn that a few boys that were standing far out in the field were throwing stones and to address this, the army decided to shoot tear gas directly at them. The boys were somewhere between 10-13 years old.

Father of two walks alongside demonstrators that are making their way to the front line
Soon after the tear gas landed, even though it was quite a distance away from us, people around me quickly began covering their noses and mouths because the wind was slowly carrying the heavy smell towards us. As I started up the hill my nose began to sting as though I had just inhaled a chili pepper and if this was the sensation that diluted tear gas caused, I shuddered to think what the tear gas must be like when it lands only a few feet away. I continued up the hill and paused to turn for a brief moment only to see the soldiers unleash the bright turquoise colored waste water on the crowd. The stench of this waste water, which as I mentioned more or less causes one to gag upon contact, sticks to your skin for at least three days after you have been sprayed and your clothes even longer. The waste water dissolved the crowd quite effectively as most people cannot breath, stand or even think after they have been sprayed because the stench is so horrible.

Young kids trying to avoid inhaling the sting of tear gas blowing in from the demonstration
And as horrific as such treatment sounds, it was not even the worst part. The most heart breaking part about such treatment is the effects it has on the people living in Bi’lin. There is no way to protect their homes, and consequently their families, from inhaling the toxic chemicals every week. The wind can blow the tear gas from the wall all the way up to the village and with temperatures being so high in the summer, shutting windows is not an ideal option either.
The demonstrations will likely continue so long as the wall continues to be built and the occupation continues to exist. The demonstrations are one way that the people of Bi’lin, and those in the international community that stand in solidarity with them, can speak out against what is happening and attempt to make a difference.
httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lPCdqBQBtjs
After several attempts at trying to schedule an interview with Baseme Bashir, I was finally successful and it was apparent within the first ten minutes of the interview that the wait was certainly worth it. As Baseme began telling me her incredible story, her drive and dedication to achieving justice not only for herself, but for those that are also in a similar situation, became apparent.
Baseme Bashir first came to the DWRC after her position as a Program Manager at a well known hydrology company decided to cut her job from full-time to part-time while she was away on vacation claiming it was for budget purposes. Baseme responded by attempting to set up a meeting with the company to negotiate the decision upon her return, but to no avail. Mrs. Bashir worked for Palestinian Hydrology Group for over 6 years and brought with her a wealth of education including a BA in civil engineering, an MA in water engineering and she is also currently seeking her MBA all from Bir Zeit University.
A well established water expert since 1994, Baseme refused to take the decision by her company as final and decided to take matters into her own hands through seeking legal advice. And although she is not hopeful that the organization will reverse its decision anytime soon, she states that it is no longer about her position but rather about fighting the overall injustice that took place both in her case and in other similar cases as well.
Baseme continues to stand as a pillar of strength for Palestinian women, particularly those in the professional sector and after watching her interview, it is obvious that her story is one of empowerment, independence and most of all, inspiration.
One such problem is the fact that there is no “legal” way to formally declare a union. The closest that unions can come to being recognized officially is to obtain a slip of paper from the Ministry of Labor (MOL) claiming that they have attended a meeting and see the [union] efforts as legitimate. Moreover, this slip of paper is the only way for unions to open up a bank account because again, although no laws stating that this letter provides any kind of formal legitimacy exist, without the golden ticket, banks can and will outright refuse to open a new bank account.
Nevertheless, many in the union world continue to be hopeful about what unions will be able to do in the absence of union laws. A few even remain hopeful that the Ministry of Labor will bolster its efforts to push for laws governing unions to be passed into legislation – the likelihood of this happening, however, is still to be determined.
I thought it had to be a dream, but really, it was more like a nightmare. It was only a few weeks ago that I visited the small villages residing in the hills of southern Hebron when I thought I had really “seen” the occupation – but it wasn’t until my more recent trip to the city of Hebron that the term ‘occupation’ suddenly gained a whole new meaning. The most startling aspect of Hebron is that the occupation is in absolutely clear view, there is no denying it and no attempt to even hide it. I could try to describe the situation to you but really, in this case, the facts speak for themselves: In the heart of downtown Hebron lies an illegal Israeli settlement where about 500 settlers reside. Over 1,000 Palestinian shops have been closed due to “security” reasons and have since not been allowed to re-open.
The city has been divided into 2 sections: H1 and H2 with Israel controlling one side and the Palestinian Authority controlling the other. Adjacent to the street that divides the city is another street that, although it falls within Palestinian jurisdiction, was shut down by the Israeli army trapping 40 Palestinian families inside of a man-made barricade. The families must pass through a check-point like crossing in order to leave their street, and when the crossing is closed due to “security” reasons, the families are unable to leave – even to get food. Our tour guide, a local Palestinian, Ahmad, told us of times when friends would literally carry food to the families and hand it to them because the crossing would be closed sometimes for weeks at a time.

Against the backdrop of the two boys is the checkpoint families must pass through to get to their homes
The Ibrahimi mosque, one of the holiest mosques in the region, was more or less confiscated by the Israeli army in the mid 90’s after an Israeli settler opened fire on a group of Muslims praying inside killing close to 30 people. After that incident, Israeli security cameras were installed inside and now there are checkpoints for all Muslims to pass in order to get into the mosque. Close to 65% of the mosque has been turned into a synagogue and in the very room where Ibrahim’s tomb lies, you can actually see through iron bars into the synagogue. There are two entrances into the divided building: one to enter the mosque and one to enter the synagogue; the synagogue entrance has no checkpoints.
The juxtaposition of an occupation against an otherwise vibrant city leaves me struggling to find words to describe it. The trip to Hebron has by far been the most eye opening, heartbreaking and saddening experience I have had yet here in the West Bank. Perhaps one of the most horrendous sites we witnessed was walking down the streets where settlers live above Palestinian markets….the Israeli army eventually was forced to place a wire fence above the market to catch the bricks, bottles and garbage that the settlers were (and continue) to throw down on the Palestinians walking by.
Three days after the trip I am still haunted by images of the Palestinian home that settlers attempted to burn down only two months ago….the Muslim graveyard that has been closed to cars forcing Palestinians to carry in their dead in order to bury them…..and the countless homes that have been abandoned after Palestinians were forced to leave so that the space could be used for military purposes by the Israeli army.

The only room that was burned after settlers attempted to light the entire house on fire

One of the many Palestinian homes that has been taken over by the army
As human beings we are all entitled to basic rights…. but in Hebron, even the most basic rights do not appear to exist for the Palestinians.

Powerful image of the blockades used by the Israeli army to shut down streets and further restrict freedom of movement
In 1994, Hassan Barghouthi founded the Democracy and Workers Rights Center in Ramallah with the intention of creating an organization dedicated to workers’ rights. Fifteen years later, the DWRC remains an innovative leader in labor union reform and education. Mr. Barghouthi’s vision for the DWRC has helped thousands of Palestinian workers over the years by granting them access to free legal consultation, training and awareness seminars and, until recently, an occupational health clinic where workers could be seen by a physician at no charge. The following interview with Mr. Barghouthi provides some insights about the foundation of the DWRC and why it remains such a critical asset to Palestinian workers and the fight to guarantee their rights.
The United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East dismissed 312 Palestinian workers in the West Bank last month. And given the slow nature of bureaucracy here, it is no surprise that news of the mass layoff is just now reaching news stands. One of the 312 estranged workers recently found himself at the DWRC to sit down with one of our lawyers, Mohammad Amarneh, to discuss the situation. The worker claimed that he was notified in mid June that his contract, set to expire on June 30th, would not be renewed. According to Palestinian law, a limited term contract should not exceed 2 years and if it does, then it automatically converts to an unlimited contract. Once the contract becomes unlimited, the employer can no longer go to the employee and end the contract without a legitimate reason. Most of the UNRWA workers have been operating under 6 months contracts that are renewed on an ongoing basis and close to 90% have worked for more than two consecutive years.
Moreover, according to the law, employers who end an unlimited contract legitimately, are required to provide arbitrary dismissal compensation to the employee. The compensation should include 2 months pay for each year of work plus other benefits such as severance pay and vacation.
One area of the workers’ compensation claim process that is not well known is that when an employee is injured on the job, the employee must prove that he/she is entitled to and is eligible to receive workers’ compensation benefits. Since the initial burden of proof of eligibility is on the injured worker, an experienced workers’ compensation attorney can provide extensive assistance in compiling the necessary information at the very beginning of the claim process and making timely submittals. You can visit website for more detail about the Workers Compensation Attorney New Jersey.
If you are injured at your workplace, seek out competent legal assistance of a skilled attorney as rapidly as possible. Your employers will fight the case and might try to prove you wrong by raising unethical evidences against you. It is important to hire an attorney who will defend your rights and achieve a successful conclusion of the case.
If they refuse to pay you any compensation, you have the right to appeal in court. Many people fear to go into legal complications and try to deal with all the expenses with the help of their insurance companies. But, chances are there that your insurance company might also try to prove that it was you who was at fault to save their own pocket. The best way to overcome such hurdles is to seek the help of an experienced workers compensation lawyer.
When questioned about the reason for the massive dismissal, UNRWA claims that it is in an effort to “restructure” their Emergency Programme and argue that local law does not apply in their case due to the immunity they were granted by the Ministry of Justice with the help of this workers compensation attorney firm. This immunity, however, is in direct violation of the Palestinian constitution which states that the Ministry of Justice does not have the authority to grant basic rights to workers and so likewise they are not authorized to take such rights away (which they are inherently doing by providing immunity to UNRWA).
Upon hearing the news, Mr. Amarneh promptly contacted workers to begin investigating the situation and to ensure that workers’ rights are being respected and enforced. The DWRC plans on following the case closely in the coming weeks.

DWRC lawyer Mohammad Amarneh (right) meets with one of the dismissed workers (left)
Ni’lin village, located in West Ramallah, is one of the most prominent villages speaking out against both the occupation and the building of the wall. It is well known for its consistent and weekly non-violent demonstrations that, over the past year, have been met with increasing violence from the Israeli soldiers charged with the responsibility of “monitoring” the demonstrations. Such violence has resulted in the death of several people, including young children (under the age of 15), protesters as well as people simply observing the protests. And even as word continues to get out about these deaths, the violence has not, and most likely will not, subside anytime soon. I had the unique opportunity to sit down with the Mayor of Ni’lin at the end of June and ask him about the biggest challenges facing his village. The following is his story through his own words….
httpv://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rtqh_HaSiGg
Translation provided by: Ahmad Mesleh
The village of Adierat is hidden within the desert hills of southern Hebron and if you blink too soon there is a distinct possibility you might just miss it. Our journey last week took us to three distinct villages in the south, but for the sake of time, I will focus here on the one that left the greatest impression.
When you first step foot in Adierat village it almost appears to be a ghost town, that is until people notice that two foreigners are moving about – and then the whole town seems to appear as if out of no where. Within seconds of walking no more than 10 feet, Willow and I were whisked inside of a tiny little room, promptly given 2 chairs in which to sit along with a cup of deliciously hot tea, and before we could say shukran, we were surrounded by nearly the entire village starring at us with a hungry curiosity. Everyone had come to see who these strange foreigners were and to quell their curiosity, we attempted conversation in our broken Arabic. Fortunate for us, we had some success. We managed to learn about some of the biggest challenges facing the people of this quiet, secluded village as well as some of the larger, underlying issues facing the surrounding communities. This blog is dedicated to their story.
As Willow and I sat grasping steaming hot shaee in our hands, we listened to each of the women explain how their village functions on a daily basis without running water or electricity. The main source of income for the village (which can be likened to a large, extended family) is provided by livestock. Livestock also happens to be the main source of livelihood for the surrounding farming communities. The communities might be able to have a shot at cultivating the land and use agriculture as an alternate (or perhaps additional) source of income, except then you run into one of the biggest challenges – water. As I mentioned, Adierat village functions without running water. They have a small well which a natural reservoir feeds into providing them with drinking water. The well alone, however, is not enough to sustain the village. Therefore, they are forced to purchase water for bathing and to hydrate their livestock.
With only one school in the village, education is one of the many things that falls to the wayside here. And without education, it is difficult to develop the skills necessary to stand up and fight for the essential right to satisfy basic human needs such as food, shelter and water. Part of the reason that water is in such short supply is because water is often redirected to nearby [illegal] Israeli settlements that make up a small percent of the local population, but consume a lions share of the water. These Israeli settlements are being systematically and strategically placed all over Palestinian land.
A basic theme in the field of conflict resolution is identifying the root causes of the problem in order to facilitate an effective solution. But what is one to do when the problem is inherently systemic? John Burton’s theory of structural violence argues that so long as “damaging deprivations,” which are avoidable, are caused by the “nature of social institutions and policies,” violence will prevail in a systematic way. In other words, violence becomes institutionalized and is inherently perpetuated by the very same system that identifies the oppression which results from this violence.
The Israeli settlements are avoidable, in fact, they are illegal. And as long as they continue to be built, they will continue to contribute to the structural violence that is being perpetuated on a daily basis against the Palestinian people. Water is only one of the many issues that the implementation of illegal settlements brings. This is not meant to divert the story toward one of blame, but rather to highlight the harsh facts that often make up reality here in the West Bank. I will never forget my experience with the people of Adierat village, and after reading this, hopefully you will not easily forget their story either.

One of the many villages we passed along the way in South Hebron

Community members standing around the only well in the village

Adierat Children

Red rooftops represent the Israeli settlement next to a Palestinian community
June 25, 2009, Occupied Palestinian Territories: The Alternative Information Center (AIC) is now taking applications for the second Middle East International Political Camp, scheduled to be held in the Palestinian Territories from July 17 – 24, 2009.
With the success of the first political camp this past April, the AIC looks forward to welcoming a second group of international participants to introduce them to the socio-political realities of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) and Israel.

Participants in the first Middle East International Political Camp in April
The theme of the camp is “Bridges Instead of Walls,” as it aims to promote understanding of the conflict and encourage a positive exchange of ideas among Palestinians, Israelis, and people from the international community. The bridges built among the participants and local organizations are the first step in creating a group of people committed to raising awareness of the situation in the OPT.
The AIC, a joint Israeli-Palestinian activist group, organized the one-week camp, which will include lectures, conferences, and meetings with local grassroots associations and local politicians. The AIC is a partner of The Advocacy Project (AP).
The camp will take a hands-on approach, bringing participants to see the living and political conditions in the OPT for themselves, and providing them with an experience on the ground as opposed to an understanding based on media, propaganda or rumors.
The AIC hopes that camp participants will take this understanding back to their own countries, and that this new awareness will contribute to the peace process in a positive and constructive manner.
The camp is open to anyone, and the deadline for applications is July 1.
The cost of the camp is 320 Euros. This includes the cost of meals, accommodation, transportation within the region, visits to various organizations and lectures. The airfare to Israel and health insurance are not included.
To sign up or to receive further information, please email ahmada@alt-info.org or click here.
Jerusalem is an intriguing city which is divided into east and west and represents a diverse canvas of both religion and culture. And so when a new colleague of mine, Mira, invited me for a tour of Al-Aqsa mosque with her family, I naturally accepted. We arrived at Al-Aqsa on Saturday afternoon in the prime of heat and I was anxious to see this sacred and historical site with my own eyes. After all, the mosque is the third most sacred place for Muslims in the world and contains the rock where the prophet Muhammad ascended to heaven. With anticipation rising in my chest, we finally came to the outer entrance of the gate that leads into the mosque. Mira, being a wonderfully prepared hostess, pulls out a lovely white head scarf for me to put on as we approach the Arab-Israeli guard who was checking passports for folks to enter. Mira hands him her passport and explains that the two young children with us are her brother and sister. The guard then asks for my passport, which I happily hand him. He then proceeds to ask me, well to be quite honest quiz me, on Islam. He asks if I can recite the Fatiha in addition to any other verses in the Koran. Keep in mind that we are standing in front of a long line of people all watching to see if I can past this elusive test to prove my “Muslimness.” It is true that my father, as well as the Iranian side of my family, are all Muslims; however, religion was never forced upon me nor was it ever even a topic that we would discuss during say family dinners and so years later, while I am technically a Muslim by birth, I cannot say that I am anywhere near an expert on the subject.
Mira quickly intervenes and is speaking Arabic so quickly that I am having a hard time following. Eventually, the guard hands me back my passport and says to Mira that he will let me pass, but I will still have to get past the Sheik. Malesh. We continue inside the long hallway only to come across a second set of guards who stop us and proceed to quiz me all over again. At this point, I concede and tell Mira that I will just wait for her outside – but she refuses to give up. Finally, after an intense negotiation process and a promise from her that she would not let a non-Muslim inside, they let me pass. The outer compound surrounding the mosque is beautiful and serene. We walk slowly trying to soak up all of the imagery as we approach the entrance to the mosque. Upon the entrance, we come across the final set of men that will determine once and for all if we are allowed to enter. Mira is told immediately that she cannot enter because she is wearing long pants, instead of a long skirt – which is apparently the only acceptable attire for inside the mosque. He agrees to let the “children” pass (which somehow included me even though I too was wearing pants) and the three of us head inside.
The inside of the mosque is breathtaking. We choose each step carefully in an attempt to notice the smallest of the intricate details surrounding us. Mira’s little sister, Bella, guides me around the mosque explaining the history to me in her bold yet broken English. We walk downstairs to a quiet space where the famous rock is located and just sit taking in this momentous occasion. After several moments we continue our stroll inside and walk quietly around those praying and paying homage to this holy place.
The trip to Jerusalem was certainly more than just a visit to a famous religious and historical site; it brought to light the deeper and revered importance that religion holds here. I would never have imagined that being born into a religion would matter as much as it appeared to on that hot summer day in June. But like many things here, it is the most unanticipated aspects of ourselves, our history, our backgrounds and our experiences that in the end tend to be our saving grace.

Al-Aqsa Mosque

Delicately crafted artwork creates beautiful stained glass windows inside the mosque

Bella and Ayes (Mira's siblings)

(From left to right) Me, Mira and Bella
Welcome to Palestine where there are no addresses, car horns are used like they are going out of style and people talk about politics as often as Americans talk about sports. In my short time here I have already come across a plethora of new experiences. Within one week I have seen the birth place and burial site of Jesus Christ and touched the rock where the prophet Muhammad ascended to heaven; I have witnessed countless acts of kindness by local Palestinians doing their best to help me, a foreigner in their city, find my way; and last but certainly not least, I have eaten some of the most amazing food that has thus far graced by pallet. It was only a week ago that I arrived in the city of Ram Allah a bit culture shocked and without luggage, but fortunate for me I was received by last year’s DWRC fellow, Willow, who has been gracious enough to take me under her wing and show me the ropes in this vibrant little city that will be home for the next two months.
The first thing I learned upon touching down here is how much I actually don’t know. The complexity of the conflict and subsequently everything that appears to be inextricably linked to it is beyond any thing I could have imagined. I am constantly surrounded by experts in history and I feel like a grade school student again trying to cram a huge amount of information into my head before the big exam, except that in this case, the exam is everyday life. My goal in coming here this summer was to listen more and have less opinion – a goal that after only a week has already proven to be significantly challenging, especially when political debates quickly can and do manifest out of discussions as seemingly simple as recycling.
There is no question in my mind that the coming weeks will be filled with sobering as well as inspiring experiences. And as I sit and watch the sun set over this humble city while listening to the call for prayer echo over the hilltops, I can hear the faint voices of all the incredible Palestinians I have already met whispering yet again….welcome to Palestine.

City of Ramallah
In case you’re not a Jerusalemite, the Bezalel art school is for anybody who is anybody who is a beatnik. A creative, funny, politically active beatnik. The kind you want at your potluck.
While strolling Ben Yehuda Street in downtown Jerusalem a few days ago, I came upon a chain of Bezalel folks doing this:
In a horizontal line, they each held a gray box that represented a brick in the wall between Israel and Palestine. The purpose of the art demo: to engage the Israeli public in conversation about the latest concrete structure between Israel and the West Bank that stirs disagreement among all facets of Israeli society.
For those who wanted to join the chain of artists, there was an additional pile of gray boxes stacked next to a nearby bench. The power of the installation was made evident by a teenage girl who stomped on the pile until it flattened. What struck me most about the girl was not her disapproval of the installation, but her degree of political certainty for such a young age. Off to the side, a project organizer explained that whether one believes the wall is a security essential or a government attempt to occupy more land, whether one comes from the right or the left, the conversation must become more public.
Leave it to the art students to find ironic ways of being heard: as part of the installation, the demonstrators were instructed to not speak a word to pedestrians who engaged with them. In the end their silence allowed engaged Jerusalemites to debate the wall with each other while the art students watched. Let’s keep talking about it, I say.
Two weeks before I am set to depart for Ramallah and I am sitting in my room staring at my passport and small Arabic dictionary (which I intend to carry with me at all times) wondering about the experience upon which I am about to embark. What will the people there be like? Will I achieve what I set out to do? Will I be shocked, inspired, surprised by what I find? More questions then I possibly have answers for continue to plague my mind like a fly that refuses to be swatted away. The news paints its own portrait of the situation in both Gaza and the West Bank and I wonder how much of it actually captures what is really happening on the ground. I wonder if, as a peace fellow, I will be able to tell the story, their story, any better. My commitment this summer is to work with the Palestinians in Ramallah and help them tell the world what is really happening. The point is not to just talk about the crisis, which will likely only make back page news after a few days; the point is to talk about the everyday struggles, the everyday challenges that the Palestinian people face in trying to simply live their lives, make a living to feed their families and work to help change the world we live in so that their children might not have to suffer from the same hardships as their parents. The point is to talk until someone, anyone, listens and truly hears their story.
In the field of conflict resolution, we attempt to identify theories that will help us to better understand the conflicts that we come across in our work. We try to apply them in a way that facilitates the process of identifying the root causes of the conflict so that once peace is established, it can be sustainable. I wonder if, in the real world, it will be so obvious. Perhaps the true test will be whether I am able to pull on everything I have learned over the past year to help explain the events that I will inevitably come across during my summer in the West Bank. And while part of me thinks it will certainly provide some perspective, it is unlikely that it will be that simple.
At this point, it is still unclear to me what the place where I will be spending the next three months will be like. All I know for sure, however, is that it is exactly where I need to be. My journey back to the Middle East has been a long time coming and I cannot imagine going anywhere else that would provide the opportunity for me to truly be the change I wish to see in the world.

Map identifying how control over the West Bank is broken down